How to Cut the Local Budget…

My friend, Geoff Segal with the Reason Foundation, has written an op-ed on the experiences of Sandy Springs, GA, in dealing with its municipal services and budget. In short, Sandy Springs basically contracts just about everything out except police and fire. And in my in-laws’ home town of Farragut, TN (yes, that’s a town named after a Union admiral in a Confederate state), they even contract out the fire department to a private company. 

This is important and topical here for many reasons. As I often write about, St. Louis County has an absurd number of municipalities (91) for its population of just over a million people. Right now, my hometown of University City is struggling to deal with a budget deficit. I think that U. City has done a good job so far in dealing with this situation — they are actually cutting programs and eliminating jobs, as opposed to raising taxes (except for a few fees). I hope that they are at least considering contracting out some of their services to St. Louis County. As big is U. City is, they need to contract with the county much less than most other municipalities, but it is still something I hope they are thinking about. 

Sandy Springs, GA, and Farragut, TN, are different from University City in many ways. They are both fairly new cities, to start with. But their examples of contracting with private companies to provide many of the services people just automatically assume are for the government are a great example to cities everywhere — especially St. Louis County.

Finally, a Centene Post …

We haven’t posted yet on Centene for a couple of reasons. First of all, it’s all over the local news so it’s not like anyone needed to hear about it from us. Second, our expert on this issue, Tim Lee, is out of the office this week. But this does not mean that we have not been following it closely (and excitedly). The Post-Dispatch has an article on it today in the business section that features some truly amazing quotes from developers who must live in a universe different from my own. Take your pick of absurd statements from among:

"If a property owner knows you want a property, they can raise the price," Donovan said.

Donovan means this as a bad thing. As if property owner in America should not have the right to determine what they are willing to sell their own property for. Or how about:

"The decision will have a chilling effect on any community government thinking about invoking eminent domain," Case said.

Again, Case means this as a bad thing. He obviously could not care less about the "chilling effect" property and homeowners can feel about being forced to sell their property so that someone else can put it to a use determined by government to be preferable. In his defense, Case is developing several projects in our area and none use eminent domain, so let’s give credit where it’s deserved.

Developers have long had too much power in the St. Louis area. Wildwood was incorporated in the 1990s solely because developers were getting permission for everything they wanted to build in the area, even over the objections of Greg Quinn, the West County councilman. This is a good ruling by the Supreme Court, and now I hope Centene and the property owners can sit down and work out a deal based on negotiations, not threats.

Incentives at Work (in School)

There’s an article in the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) Digest about the relationship between merit pay for teachers and student achievement:

Figlio and Kenny find that teacher salary incentives are associated with higher levels of student performance. They cannot be certain whether the test score improvement is driven by teacher incentives or whether the incentives are proxy variables for unobserved school quality. In general, they find, teacher salary incentives are associated with a 1.3 to 2.1 point rise in test scores, about the same increase associated with increasing maternal education by three years. The correlation exists in schools with predominantly low- and middle-income students.

Figlio and Kenny note that one case in which merit pay systems don’t work is when most of the teachers get merit pay. If everybody’s a winner, there’s no incentive to improve.

In Missouri, the Ladue School District has used merit pay for over 50 years. However, Ladue does suffer from the merit-pay-for-everyone problem. A report by Ladue’s Compensation Systems Task Force notes that 70 percent of the district’s staff received 12 or 13 out of 13 possible merit points for the 2004-2005 school year. Ladue should reconsider the way it awards points if it wants to encourage excellence in teaching.

Immigration Law and Its Costs for Businesses

Link via Combest, Claire McCaskill writes about illegal immigration in the Kansas City Star. She mentions the raid of a chicken processing plant in Missouri and complains that employers such as this one go unpunished:

Is that fair? No, it is not fair. It’s not fair to American workers. It’s unfair to the businesses that are playing by the rules. It is fundamentally unfair that many businesses are requiring the kind of documentation that assures them they are following the law while other employers are paying cash under the table to pad the bottom line.

This argument doesn’t make sense to me. We have a bad law that is extremely burdensom for businesses and workers to comply with. A few actually manage to comply with it. Therefore, to be fair, we should enforce the bad law more broadly.

It would be fairer not to have the burdensom immigration law in the first place. The current system forces every business to act in place of the U.S. government, investigating employees and enforcing immigration regulations. The time it takes to comply is a huge cost for employers.

End the Insanity!

Today, the Cole County Circuit Court will decide if the St. Louis School Board deserves a restraining order against the State Education Board. According to the attorneys for the St. Louis School Board, one of the arguments that they make is that the State Board of Education has no right in appointing a transitional board.

The lawsuit makes more than two dozen claims, basically arguing that the state acted unconstitutionally in removing accreditation and setting up an appointed board.

Well, knowing as little as I do about the role of the State Board of Education, they do decide on accreditation of school districts. And under state law, they have the lawful right in setting up an appointed board as stated in Missouri Revised Statue section 162.1100. So if that is one of their arguments, it should be dead in the water. Overall, it’s time for the St. Louis School Board to stop trying to save themselves.  As a student who attended the St. Louis Public Schools for my whole life, I have never seen a school board that has acted against the students’ best interest, while claiming to do otherwise. Enough of the bickering and attacks that have taken focus off of the students, and time to put in a board that will focus one one thing: getting the SLPS back on track.

Recognition by the Columbia Tribune!

Strolling through John Combest’s page, I found a blog on the Columbia Tribune‘s website that acknowledges the work of the Institute. The report on HB 327, written by Joe Haslag, Michael Podgursky, and Steve Bernstetter, entitled "Centralized Economic Policy Bad for Missouri," discusses the pitfalls of the economic development bill:

Although widely praised in the press and by favored industries, the bill — now awaiting the governor’s signature — has two crucial problems, first, it rests on the notion that Missouri bureaucrats need to become more involved in identifying industries, types of employment, and goods and services that should be encouraged. Second, the bill ignores the government budget constraint. Revenue lost to tax breaks for favored industries would need to be recouped by reduced government spending, or — more likely — imposing a higher marginal tax rate on other industries.

It’s great to see that our research and reports are being picked up by the media. Knowing that the public and decisionmakers are getting a viewpoint on the benefits and pitfalls of legislation and having an impact on them is a great sign that we are doing our job well.

Centralized Economic Policy Bad for Missouri

The 2007 economic development bill, HB 327, would enact a wide variety of tax credits and other subsidies. Although widely praised in the press and by favored industries, the bill — now awaiting the governor’s signature — has two crucial problems. First, it rests on the notion that Missouri bureaucrats need to become more involved in identifying industries, types of employment, and goods and services that should be encouraged. Second, the bill ignores the government budget constraint. Revenue lost to tax breaks for favored industries would need to be recouped by reduced government spending, or — more likely — imposing a higher marginal tax rate on other industries.

In addition to tax credits, the state has engaged in industrial policy by creating a panel to advise the Department of Economic Development. According to the February press release, the panel is organized to help direct the Missouri economy in certain key industries: life sciences, energy, defense and homeland security, transportation and logistics, and information technology. If allowed to spread, such target-industry policies will be the economic equivalent of kudzu — a fast-growing vine spreading through the southeastern states — choking off the real sources of economic development.

The existence of market failures may provide an economic justification for tax credits or industrial policy. However, no such arguments are made by those sponsoring this legislation. What market failures have affected beef cattle and aviation jet fuel? Rather, the subsidies and tax credits distort investment choices, so that resources will be artificially directed to these activities and away from economic opportunities that make real economic sense, and would result in faster growth.

Missouri has lagged behind other states since 1995, missing the productivity spurt that pushed the U.S. economy forward, but a centralized approach to economic planning is the wrong course to take. Efforts by other state governments to effectively “guide” economic policy have been largely ineffectual. Something as complex as an economy, even at state level, naturally resists any attempt at guidance by central planners. Remember the Soviet Union?

Economic growth doesn’t stem from bureaucratic control. Ultimately, economic development comes from the new ideas that are created and brought to the marketplace. The source of these ideas is as large as the earth’s population. Entrepreneurs step up to satisfy the market demands around them. These ideas come from a variety of sources, ranging from those cultivated by basic research and development undertaken by private firms to ones dreamed up in a household kitchen.

Luring this economic activity to Missouri requires a business climate that yields returns for successful ideas through secure property rights and low overall business transaction costs. Because of the incentives operating in the market, ideas will be vetted. The evidence is clear: the people in government have neither the information nor incentives to vet ideas as efficiently as the market. Trying to pick economic winners based on the experience and wisdom of a few state-appointed people attempting to guess the future demands of private citizens is a formula for failure.

Offering official encouragement to any set of groups or industries imposes economic costs that may not be immediately obvious. There is a fundamental tradeoff between tax credits and deductions for favored parties, and marginal tax rates. State governments face a budget constraint. Accordingly, the more deductions for one set of transactions, the higher the rates for unfavored transactions — a source of significant economic damage that tends to drive such activities out of Missouri to other states. To offset revenue lost to through tax credits, the state must raise revenue from other sources. Higher tax rates stifle economic activity that would otherwise have stayed in Missouri, thus resulting in lower income and growth in our state. This bill is misnamed. A better economic development bill would reduce these corporate giveaways, simplify the tax system, and reduce marginal tax rates. Missouri households and businesses can create their own “quality jobs” without the help of state government.

Government economic planners do not know what the next “big idea” will be, and any effort to find that idea through central intervention is likely to fail. The best way for Missouri to ensure future economic prosperity is to provide businesses with a climate favorable to developing those ideas, whatever they may be. State officials should step back from the belief that they can fix weak economic growth through central planning. Creating another layer of bureaucracy, no matter how well-intentioned, will only obstruct those developments and, like kudzu to southeast horticulture, choke off Missouri’s economic growth.

Joe Haslag is a professor of economics at University of Missouri-Columbia. Michael Podgursky is a professor of economics at University of Missouri-Columbia, where he served as department chair from 1995 to 2005. Both are Show-Me Institute scholars. Steve Bernstetter is an intern at the Show-Me Institute.

 

Getting Sauced on Liquor Licenses …

The May edition of Sauce Magazine has a wonderful article on liquor licenses in the St. Louis area. I really enjoyed it and recommend it highly. It discusses the manner of local control over the number of licenses and how establishments go about receiving them. I have no problem with some type of licensing for substances that fall under the general category of "controlled"; nor do I think there is anything wrong with various cities having their own systems of licensing. Every city is different, and neighborhoods within cities are different.

The City of St. Louis uses a neighborhood approval process for granting liquor licenses. There is no limit on the total number of licenses that can be issued if neighborhoods approve the granting of one for their area. Obviously, neighborhoods like the Central West End and Soulard are going to be more generous in granting licenses than St. Louis Hills, and there is nothing wrong with that.

Ladue, on the other hand, strictly limits the total number of licenses. There are seven licenses available for restaurants, most of which have been held by the same places forever. You can probably name all of them if you try: Schneithorsts, Busch’s Grove, Sportman’s Park, Truffles (one of the new ones), that one place at Clayton and I-64 that has been like 12 different bars — I remember it mostly as S and P Oyster Company — does Women’s Exchanges still have a license? 

If I were going to recommend any changes it would be to get rid of state liquor licensing and leave all the regulation to local communities. The good news in St. Louis County for bar owners is that the county itself only regulates bars in the unincorportated area, so bars only need one local license to go along with the state license. I wonder how they do it in Jackson County. Do you need a state, county, and city license to operate a bar there? If you know, please feel free to e-mail me at [email protected].

Even More Traffic

It appears I jumped the gun a little when I wrote my last blog entry, about our mention in Paul Jacob’s Common Sense radio commentary. It turns out that Show-Me Institute scholar R.W. Hafer’s op-ed on bridge construction and traffic pricing also inspired a much longer article by Paul, for his weekly Townhall.com column.

And, of course, a longer column deserves a longer excerpt:

As Hafer points out, if pricing “works for movie tickets, electricity, and seats at Busch Stadium, why not for space on the bridge during rush hour?"

Common sense tells me he’s right. But once you’ve been enticed by a commons, it becomes harder to see the sense in the non-commons way of organizing resources . . . even if every bit of our experience tells us that this way of doing things leads to disaster, and to further demands to set up more free institutions.” At greater expense.

I guess that’s why, when Hafer (or I) suggest that a bridge be priced, so to give all commuters better incentives to manage their own commutes, we’re just going to look like trolls to some folk.

But remember: the troll in “Three Billy Goats Gruff” was greedy. Had he settled for a small toll, instead of demanding to eat the fattest passers-by, he could have collected his earnings and gone to market for a meal. Instead, the biggest of the goats came along and shoved him into the river.

If anything, the opposition to tolls is trollish . . . but maybe we should forget fairy tales when thinking about bridges. Apply a bit of reason, instead.

Support Us

The work of the Show-Me Institute would not be possible without the generous support of people who are inspired by the vision of liberty and free enterprise. We hope you will join our efforts and become a Show-Me Institute sponsor.

Donate
Man on Horse Charging