Using Missouri’s Fiscal Relief and Infrastructure Funds to Grow the Economy, Not Government

Missouri has received billions in debt-financed federal spending earmarked for stimulus, recovery and infrastructure needs from legislation such as the American Rescue Plan. It is not free money; if misspent, it could worsen inflation and labor shortages and create long-term budgetary obligations. However, if used in accordance with sound free-market principles, the funds can support pro-growth private-sector investment.

Legislators must consider not only what to spend such one-time funds on, but whether to spend some of these funds at all. This document provides legislators some guidance for what some good investments would look like. Click here to read the full report.

Caught in a Testimony Rundown

As Missouri’s legislative session gets going, Show-Me Institute analysts have been busy testifying on a variety of issues at the state and local levels.

My colleagues and I submitted testimony on HB 1598, which would require local elected officials to affirmatively vote to redirect public safety taxes to TIF subsidies, such as a fire department sales tax. It would be more difficult for elected officials to approve so many subsidies if they had to be on the record moving taxes away from their intended sources and into subsidies for select developers.

We also submitted testimony against two new tax credit bills (SB 732 & 733), which my colleague Corianna cogently composed a column about here. They are both, simply put, absolutely terrible public policy.

Earlier this week, I submitted testimony on St. Louis County’s PACE program. This loan program for energy efficiency has turned county governments into debt collectors for private interests, and that is unacceptable. For the record, I favor eliminating the PACE program for residential property in all Missouri counties, not just St. Louis.

Finally, I submitted testimony online regarding Maplewood’s new “source of income” rules, which require that landlords accept Section 8 housing vouchers. This is a voluntary, federal program, and Maplewood (or any other city) has no business requiring landlords to participate in it. This is a prime example of how “small” government is often very different from “limited” government.

In The Accidental Tourist book and film, the main character is a travel writer who hates to travel. That pretty much sums up my work as someone who writes about municipal policy. Find me a city or county in Missouri that is comfortable doing a few basic things well and I will never stop singing its praises.

Did St. Louis City Improperly Collect the Payroll Expense Tax During the Pandemic?

Show-Me Institute analysts have written extensively about the St. Louis and Kansas City earnings taxes, but not quite as much about St. Louis’s payroll tax. You all know that the earnings tax is a 1 percent tax on employee earnings and business profits, but the payroll tax is a 0.5 percent tax on payrolls in the City of St. Louis. It does not get as much attention because it brings in far less revenue than the earnings tax for several reasons: it’s half the rate, it’s not collected on city residents who work outside the city, non-profits such as SLU, Barnes Hospital, and Show-Me Institute are exempt, and the city gives away exemptions as a tax subsidy with frequency.

The payroll tax is also legally questionable. It is not authorized by any state statute, unlike the earnings tax and every other general tax in the state. However, it was upheld in court a few years ago as legal.

It is also in the news now, as AT&T is suing St. Louis City over the payroll tax collections during the pandemic. The city decided that it is going to still collect earnings and payroll taxes for people who had worked in the city but now work remotely outside of the city, despite the fact that the governing law clearly states that these people should not be taxed. Individuals have sued to overturn that decision—but leaving the lawsuits aside, the decision by the city to insist on collecting these taxes is highly questionable. Kansas City has not done this, to its credit. The City of St. Louis is overflowing with COVID relief, federal stimulus, and NFL lawsuit funds. While tax revenues may have declined during the pandemic, the above funds dramatically outweigh any pandemic tax losses.

Decades ago, someone said that rooting for the New York Yankees was like rooting for U.S. Steel. I am sure rooting for AT&T fell into that same category, as this Bloom County cartoon from the 1980s captures.

But I’m rooting for AT&T here (and yes, I’m aware the current AT&T is a very different company now). It is terrible that St. Louis is collecting payroll taxes on employees who worked remotely during this pandemic. They aren’t working in the city. The tax should not be owed. The exact same goes for the earnings taxes for remote workers, but that’s another blog post.

Kudos to Ma Bell for this effort to fight back against the City of St. Louis’s overreach.

Movement on TIF Bill

There’s potential for tax-increment financing (TIF) reform this legislative session. My colleague David Stokes and I recently submitted testimony for a hearing on House Bill 1598 (HB 1598). In general, TIF takes tax revenue normally collected by taxing districts and municipalities and diverts it to developers. HB 1598 addresses one troubling consequence of TIF by requiring that local elected officials vote to approve the diversion of dedicated public safety taxes to subsidize TIF-related projects.

Taxing districts such as school districts and emergency service districts lose out on tax revenue along with cities when TIF projects are implemented. However, these taxing districts have very limited say, if any, in the overall process. This imbalance can have disastrous effects, especially when TIF is used for projects with a residential component. Residential developments can add dozens of new families to cities and thereby require increased spending on public safety measures, yet TIF can mean that public-safety providers do not receive any increase in tax dollars to account for these new families. (The impact of residential TIFs can be even more dramatic on school districts—SB 874 is a bill that proposes a similar measure for school districts.)

HB 1598 would be a step toward fixing some of the harms caused by TIF. The House Local Government Committee held a public hearing on this bill, and I’m interested to see if this bill picks up momentum during the legislative session. More taxes should be exempt from TIF, and greater reforms are needed to limit the negative effects that this economic development incentive can have on Missourians.

Missouri Needs More Free Market Activity in Electric Transmission, Not Less

Two bills currently being considered in the Missouri Legislature would make building electric transmission lines more expensive and less competitive, leading to higher electric bills for Missourians.

Electric transmission lines carry electricity from power plants to your home or business. Too much electricity on a line increases the risk of frying a line, and as I’ve written before, several parts of Missouri have overloaded transmission lines already.

More transmission will need to be built, but these bills take the wrong approach to building more transmission lines.

The bills (which are identical House and Senate versions) would allow Missouri’s monopoly utilities to pre-empt any competitor that might build transmission lines for less. The monopolies would have the “right of first refusal” to build any transmission lines over 100 kilovolts (kV) if they connect to a facility owned by the monopoly, even if the location of that transmission line is outside the monopoly’s territory. Lines greater than 100 kV are used for long-distance transmission of electricity, in contrast to local distribution lines (the power lines you see by city streets and neighborhoods) which typically have capacity under 69 kV.

Why is the legislature proposing these measures? Removing any sort of competitive bidding process to construct transmission lines has made projects across the country more expensive. A study from the economic consulting firm The Brattle Group concluded that projects not subject to competitive bidding have cost over 34 percent more than the original estimates. In contrast, transmission line projects that were subject to competitive bidding have been on average 40 percent less expensive than original estimates. All transmission lines are built to standards set by the North American Electric Reliability Council, so competitive cost savings don’t come at the expense of quality.

Wouldn’t it be better for the legislature to propose subjecting transmission lines to competitive bidding, rather than shielding them from it? Since transmission costs are ultimately passed on to customers, it’s customers who bear the brunt, or receive the benefit, of cost-inflating or cost-saving policies.

Missouri will need more electric transmission lines built in the coming years. To build those lines at the lowest possible cost, Missouri needs more free-market activity in transmission projects, not less.

Springfield Does Not Need a Land Bank

A version of this commentary appeared in the Springfield News-Leader.

In government, nothing succeeds like failure. How else to explain Springfield’s attempt to imitate St. Louis and Kansas City with the creation of a city land bank despite the clear evidence of failure of the existing lands banks in both of those cities.

Land banks are local agencies empowered to acquire vacant, derelict, or tax-delinquent properties with the goal of returning them to productive use in the private sector. Land banks are authorized to be more proactive in acquiring property than traditional county land trusts. The goal of land banks may be laudable. Their record of performance is much less so.

Missouri created the nation’s first land bank in St. Louis in 1971 to help get control of vacant properties and return them to private use. Since that time, the St. Louis land bank has proven better at acquiring properties than at returning them to the private sector. In a struggling city like St. Louis, that isn’t surprising. More troubling is that the reluctance to get rid of the properties it owns has been no accident. Research by Show-Me Institute staff and others has documented the alarming frequency with which legitimate offers for property in the land bank have been rejected. Most commonly, the land bank has been rejecting offers in order to hold the land for future—often more politically connected—development. That development has seldom come to fruition, so thousands of land bank parcels have sat unused for decades.

In 2012, Kansas City followed St. Louis with its own land bank. At the time, the Show-Me Institute published research documenting the failures of the St. Louis land bank as a warning to Kansas City. Disregarding the history and evidence, the state approved a Kansas City land bank, which was started up that year.

Fast forward to 2022, and the Kansas City Star has recently published a major investigative article on problems at the Kansas City land bank. Needless to say, the Kansas City land bank has not lived up to its promises. Its executive director was removed in 2018 after accusations of political favoritism and other problems. The family of the Jackson County Executive received a special deal on certain properties, which raised plenty of eyebrows. As in St. Louis, the Kansas City land bank has been plagued by conflicts of interest and poor management.

The final Missouri city to institute a land bank in Missouri is St. Joseph, in 2019. Thus far the land bank has proceeded laboriously. After two years, it owns just five properties. It may be too early to make a final judgment, but based on its slow start and the lack of success in other cities I’d say the prognosis for the St. Joseph land bank is poor.

Land banks have fundamental problems. Ideally, they would work quickly and efficiently to place properties they own back into private hands. But that very speed is what can make them subject to abuse by those with political connections. In order to guard against such problems, they can become a typical bureaucracy—slow and difficult to deal with. But in that case, few in the private sector will want to work with them. So, the choices are to operate quickly and accept some level of malfeasance, or to operate bureaucratically and drive away your own potential customers. Finally, land bank employees have little incentive to do their jobs so well that they find themselves out of one.

Supporters may claim that Springfield would operate its land bank more effectively than St. Louis, Kansas City or St. Joseph. I don’t dispute the sincerity of the promises—just the likelihood that they’ll be kept.

Springfield needs a new city land bank about as much as it needs the return of bushwackers and bald-knobbers. The city would be better off not creating a land bank and letting Greene County dispose of tax-delinquent properties in its longstanding manner. If Springfield does create a land bank, I fully expect to read a News-Leader investigative report of its failures in the next few years.

Flood of Federal Money Is Not a Free Pass for a Spending Binge

A version of this commentary appeared in the Columbia Daily Tribune.

Jefferson City is awash in taxpayer cash. Missouri’s state government is slated to receive $2.7 billion in federal stimulus funds from the American Rescue Plan Act along with $9 billion from the “bipartisan” infrastructure bill. In addition, the state expects to bring in nearly $2 billion more in net revenues compared to just before the pandemic. What is disconcerting is how quickly some lawmakers—including self-proclaimed fiscal conservatives—have shed sound economic principles in their rush to find ways to spend the money, forgetting the wise words of Nobel Prize winning economist Milton Friedman that “there is no such thing as a free lunch.”

The simple, alluring, and false logic is as follows: either Jefferson City spends the money or the funds get sent back to the federal government to misspend on other boondoggles. But Missouri does not have to choose whether Jefferson City or the federal government gets the privilege of misspending taxpayer money. There is another way—one in which state lawmakers apply a strict cost–benefit test to all proposed spending and in which Missouri taxpayers are the beneficiaries of direct fiscal relief from any unused funds that fail to pass such a test.

To begin, it is crucial that lawmakers be aware that misspent money today—even if it has the false appearance of being “free”—can saddle Missouri with fiscal obligations, a weaker economy, or both, in the future. Because the funds are a one-time injection rather than a reliable stream of future revenue, Jefferson City must avoid engaging in spending that creates long-term future commitments (for example, in the form of unfunded maintenance). Lawmakers should also be wary of any government investment that crowds out private-sector investment. Infrastructure spending ought to enhance the private sector, not compete with it.

The other obstacle to sound cost–benefit analysis is the mistaken belief that the cost of the stimulus and infrastructure funds is zero because Washington, D.C., will both supply the money and reclaim any unspent funds. After all, the message to lawmakers has been that states cannot use the money to offset tax cuts. But this is an oversimplification of the options available to state officials. For starters, as long as state revenues stay above their inflation-adjusted 2019 level, the American Rescue Plan Act provides a safe harbor that deems states to be in compliance with the restriction against using stimulus funds for state tax cuts. That inflation-adjusted revenue threshold is likely to be around $10.8 billion in 2023, which is $600 million less than the $11.4 billion in revenues the state is projected to take in. Thus, state lawmakers immediately start out with a cushion of $600 million that they can provide in tax relief without risking stimulus funds.

Second, the American Rescue Plan Act only prohibits state governments—not local governments—from using stimulus funds to offset tax cuts. Moreover, it explicitly allows the state to transfer some of its funds to localities. Nothing in principle stops Jefferson City from distributing money to localities on the condition that they use the money to enact temporary local sales or property tax cuts. When using such transferred funds, localities must abide by any restrictions that apply to the state, but the American Rescue Plan Act does not impose any restrictions on local tax cuts. To create an even more secure legal hedge, Jefferson City could come to an agreement with localities that they use much of their own $1.2 billion in earmarked local stimulus funds for tax cuts, and the state could transfer some of its funds to localities to put toward sound public investments. This way the funds allocated originally to Jefferson City would be used on public investments, while localities would focus on tax relief.

Lastly, the American Rescue Plan Act allows state and local governments to apply stimulus funds toward mitigating the negative economic consequences of the pandemic, chief among which is the decades-high inflation that Americans are suffering through. Seven percent inflation in 2021 caused real wages to drop 2.3 percent, which amounts to an almost $900 “inflation tax” on the average worker. Jefferson City could simply opt to send direct fiscal relief to Missouri workers to offset this tax.

With coffers flush with cash, it is true that state lawmakers have a rare opportunity to make pivotal public investments to improve private-sector productivity. However, they would be wrong to view the money as “free” or the cost of spending the funds as zero. Instead, they should apply the same cost–benefit test that they would use for spending financed from state tax dollars with the knowledge that any unspent money need not go back to Washington, DC—it can end up directly in the pockets of struggling Missouri families.

Watch: Increasing Accountability in Education

Michael Q. McShane, Director of National Research at EdChoice, Susan Pendergrass, Director of Research and Education Policy at Show-Me Institute, and Patricia Levesque, Chief Executive Officer of ExcelinEd discuss the state of accountability in education, why state leadership is critical, and how Missouri and other states can reform their accountability systems.

Accountabilty Matters

Missouri schools are failing to teach the core subjects of reading and math and the most recent test scores show that students are falling further behind. Missouri’s Department of Secondary and Elementary (MO DESE) has not offered the level of transparency regarding student performance that is necessary to create an education system focused on higher standards, reducing achievement gaps, and results-based accountability. The status quo is leaving thousands of students behind without the fundamental skills to pursue higher education or compete in the modern labor market. In response to DESE’s failure to perform one of its most basic functions, we launched The Missouri School Rankings Project and MoSchoolRankings.org.

Listen to the Podcast

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Tax Credit Bills Are Lurking in the Legislative Session

Two tax credit bills are making their way through the legislature this session. SB 733 would establish a tax credit for the music production industry and SB 732 would reauthorize the film industry tax credit. The evidence against tax credit programs is considerable, so it’s concerning and disappointing to see these bills filed in Missouri.

My colleagues and I submitted testimony for the public hearing for these bills, and our testimony echoes what Show-Me Institute researchers have said for years: Tax credits are often a bad deal for Missouri taxpayers.

Tax credit programs rarely generate enough economic activity to justify their use. Over the past few decades, Missouri has foregone billions in state tax revenue due to a host of narrow incentive programs that have consistently yielded poor results. Targeted economic development programs are just another way for lawmakers to pick winners and losers, a job that is better left to consumers in the market. When tax breaks are given to some, other taxpayers must make up for the lost revenue.

The tax credit programs that would be created through these bills would be bad deals for Missouri taxpayers. Hopefully lawmakers will do right by businesses and taxpayers and stop providing tax benefits to their favored few.

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