Internship Application Deadline Extended

We’ve extended the application deadline for Spring 2008 internships through Friday, November 16. So if you’re a student (or you know one) who’s interested in Missouri public policy, be sure to look into our internship program.

Spring 2008 internships will generally last from mid-January through mid-May, although schedules can be adjusted to meet individual student needs.

Here are a few highlights from our internship program description:

  • Because the Show-Me Institute is a "small shop," interns will be involved in virtually all aspects of the institute’s operations. Interns will work closely with senior staff on a wide variety of projects. They can expect greater responsibility and personal attention than they would receive at larger organizations.
  • Interns will assist staff members with a variety of tasks. These may include researching public policy topics, organizing events, and writing and editing opeds, newsletters, studies, and other documents. Some administrative and clerical tasks may also be required.
  • A Show-Me Institute internship is an excellent opportunity to improve your research and writing skills. Each intern will produce an op-ed on a public policy topic of interest to him or her. Each intern will receive feedback and assistance from SMI staff members throughout the process.

We have an ambitious publishing schedule lined up for early 2008, and Show-Me Institute interns will play a large role in that process. Consider signing up today!

“I Do Not Think It Means What You Think It Means…”

On Sunday, the Kansas City Star ran a column that misinterprets a recent report published by the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute. I read the study a couple of weeks ago and was baffled — not so much by the results, but by the focus of the study and its methodology. Naturally, choice opponents have taken its publication as an opportunity to twist the findings to fit their worldview. I’ll try to explain what the report actually said, and why it is of dubious value. In the immortal words of Inigo Montoya, "I do not think it means what you think it means."

While commenters have repeatedly suggested that this report demonstrates the failure of Milwaukee’s Parental Choice Program, it is vitally important to note that the report was limited to an attempt to guess the levels of parental involvement in the public schools, and the decisionmaking process of parents exercising public school choice — all based solely on the demographic characteristics of parents in the school district. These guesses were based on data for Milwaukee supplied by the Census Bureau’s 2005 American Community Survey, and on demographic-based trends for parent and family involvement in education reported by the National Household Education Surveys Program. The NHESP data amounts to demographic assumptions about the effect of parents’ educational attainment, race, and ethnicity, household composition (single-parent v. two-parent), and mothers’ employment status. The author of the WPRI report simply applied these assumptions to the census data for Milwaukee families.

The report concluded that less than half of Milwaukee parents whose children are in public schools consider more than one school when deciding where their children will attend, and only two-thirds of those who do consider two or more schools factor academic performance into their choices. The author further assumed that only about one-third of Milwaukee public school parents are highly involved in their children’s schools, and that less than half are projected to participate at home in their children’s educations. According to the author, because Milwaukee’s demographics suggest that the city’s parents are unlikely to be involved with their children’s educations and unlikely to consider academic credentials when choosing among public schools, the city’s public schools should not be expected to realize significant improvements from the impact of public school choice.

This report’s methodology renders it practically worthless, for several reasons:

  1. The report makes no effort to describe realities in Milwaukee. The author points to no local study that demonstrates how Milwaukee’s parents might mirror (or diverge from) the results of the national research. Put simply: the author’s report isn’t about Milwaukee, it’s about what you might expect from a nationwide random sample of people whose demographics roughly match those of parents with children in Milwaukee’s public schools. One of the reasons this assumption should be challenged is the fact that the city has had a school choice program in place for nearly twenty years, whereas the vast majority of parents nationwide still have no choice. Given this unique history with school choice, why would the author assume that Milwaukee’s parents’ decisionmaking must still conform to national norms? Because it is completely divorced from the reality of Milwaukee’s situation, this report would have yielded exactly the same results even if Milwaukee had no school choice program.
  2. The report provides no basis for comparing the current levels of educational attainment in Milwaukee Public Schools with those prior to the adoption of the choice program. The author shows that the city’s public schools currently lag behind the rest of the state, but fails to point out that the achievement gap is narrower today for schools exposed to competition than it was before the introduction of competition.
  3. Similarly, the report does not compare academic outcomes between schools insulated from competition, and those exposed to competition, which improved. This report has absolutely nothing to say about how competition and choice has affected Milwaukee’s public schools.
  4. The report suggests that public school choice should be considered a failure if parents place more value on non-academic factors when deciding where their children should attend. Parents prefer schools based on a huge array of considerations, and many families believe themselves to be best served by schools that are conveniently located, safe, or values-based. The power of choice — and the reason that choice programs routinely have long waiting lists — is that parents can make decisions based on what they think is best for their children and family, not what is important to or convenient for bureaucrats.

The fact of the matter is that the best available research — and there is a lot of it — shows that school choice in Milwaukee has been fantastic for kids who are given the chance to attend private schools, but that it has also driven improvements in public schools as well. School choice is no longer an unknown commodity, and two recent books make a compelling argument that choice is remarkably effective at generating improvement in failing public schools. Because I live in the St. Louis Public School District, I can only hope that Missouri will accept the wisdom of school choice by the time I have school-age kids.

Does This Really Surprise Anyone?

The school districts acting as the plaintiffs in CEE v. Missouri, which have thus far used more than $3 million of taxpayers’ money to purchase themselves a thorough, well-reasoned judicial beating, have announced their intention to use several million more of your dollars to see if they can persuade the Missouri Supreme Court to take leave of its senses and force taxpayers to give school districts an additional $1.3 billion.

As I have previously mentioned, the insanity of this case is that these districts are spending your money in a misguided effort to get at even more of your money. With this post, however, let’s look at just how deep this money pit could get:

This summer’s trial required public spending in excess of $4 million, accounting both for the districts’ spending and the expense of the state’s legal defense. The plaintiffs’ Supreme Court appeal will cost at least several million more. But that won’t be the end of it! Even if the districts prevail at the Supreme Court, the taxpayers’ financial bleeding will continue because the case will almost certainly be kicked back to the trial court to determine how much taxpayers must add to the 36 percent of state revenues already going to education. That probably means at least one more trial — and, in all likelihood, another trip to the Missouri Supreme Court. The eventual total for legal expenses in this case could easily run to $25 million, and that doesn’t even consider the financial burden taxpayers would face if the districts win.

History also shows that even if the suing school districts are successful, the issue will remain embroiled in costly litigation for years as the districts continue to push for more funding. Courts in other states have been forced to confront round after round of these legal battles. A study discussed at our recent school finance conference points out that the billions of dollars in court-ordered educational spending has resulted in zero improvement in the educational outcomes for students in those states.

So I hope that Missouri citizens will enjoy the progress of this case for its entertainment value, if nothing else. After all, we’re the ones paying for it.

It’s like one of those VH1 Specials

The U.K.’s Daily Telegraph has compiled a list of the 100 most influential American conservatives and liberals, releasing 20 names for each category each day this week.

Today they announced the top 20 for each category.

The top five for liberals: 1) Bill Clinton; 2) Al Gore; 3) Mark Penn; 4) Hillary Clinton; 5) Nancy Pelosi

The top five for conservatives: 1) Rudy Giuliani; 2) General David Petraues; 3) Matt Drudge; 4) Newt Gingrich; 5) Rush Limbaugh

Yawn.

Well, that was a week-long let down …

Comments on Comments in KC Prime Buzz

The Kansas City Star’s Prime Buzz online column (link via Combest), which — thank goodness — is free to access again, makes some interesting points about the Show-Me Institute’s study on how to abolish the earnings tax in Kansas City. They make it sound so nefarious to send all the councilmembers a copy of the study:

A group affiliated (with) Sinquefield has sent out fliers that council members describe as "very slick."

Well, it wasn’t so much a "group" affiliated with Rex — it was just Rebecca and I stopping by the Kansas City Hall and Jackson County offices to hand-deliver copies of our work to all the elected officials. I thought it was awesome the way City Hall and the County Courthouse complement each other from opposite sides of the street, by the way. I have been to KC many times, but that was my first visit to the government section of downtown.

The other point is more serious. The councilmembers and their lobbyist, who were quoted in the article, have totally missed the fact that Dr. Haslag’s study is completely revenue neutral, pointing out that the earnings tax can be replaced with a less distortionary land tax. From the article:

Gamble said he would emphasize to legislators that the loss of the earnings tax would "bankrupt the city."

No, it wouldn’t. The study intentionally gave KC a revenue-neutral roadmap. That would be clear to anyone who had actually read it. But it is great to see that some people in Kansas City are taking Dr. Haslag’s fine work to heart.

In Defense of Usury

I’ve written before on the negative consequences of anti-usury laws targeted at Missouri payday lenders. An op-ed in yesterday’s Wall Street Journal has a great defense of these so-called “usurious” practices.

The article cites a new study by Dean Karlan and Jonathan Zinman (two economists from Yale University and Dartmouth College, respectively) which finds that borrowers with poor credit are actually better off (measured by various psychological and economic indicators) when they are provided with high-interest installment loans (in this case, an APR of 200%), compared to similar borrowers who are denied such credit.

If you can’t read the Wall Street Journal article, Reason’s blog also has some good coverage. And the National Center for Policy Analysis summarizes the main findings of the study.

Basically, I believe in freedom of action, and the responsibility for those actions’ consequences. Unfortunately, too many legislators don’t. And that only shows how little faith they have in the individuals they represent.

County Trash Consolidation Intrudes on Individual Choice

In response to "Trashy Quotes," posted by Justin Hauke: I agree that the trash district plan for unincorporated areas of the county demonstrates a collectivist mindset, and that it has been imposed on constituents with a certain degree of arrogance. As I witnessed at a public forum in South County, that attitude has only fueled opposition to the plan.

But it’s worse than Mr. Hauke seems to think. The plan has been developed with an overt hostility toward the role of the free market. The July 31 report of the Solid Waste Management Task Force included this statement: "Allowing the conditions generated by the free market system currently in place in municipal trash services adversely affects the quality of life for all the citizens of the region."

The county’s solution to this "problem" is to impose a system of monopolistic supply, with responsibility taken away not only from individual residents, but removed from local control altogether. Problems of cost and accountability seem inevitable.

Under the present system, households and neighborhoods arrange private contracts for services. Prices are kept down and service standards are high because of active competition. The company I hire provides excellent service because the managers know that if I am dissatisfied, I can call the company that picks up my neighbor’s trash.

There are, of course, externalities from having multiple trash services visiting the neighborhood. That is a legitimate issue to be addressed. Some subdivisions coordinate through neighborhood associations. To the extent that the economic problem of "coordination failure" prevents mutually beneficial arrangements from being made among neighbors, a proper policy solution should seek to provide a framework for facilitating such arrangements, retaining local control and accountability. (An example can be found in the provisions of Missouri law for forming fire prevention districts.)

But the county’s plan takes a centralized approach. A monopoly provider will be chosen for each of eight districts, to be selected by the County Council. The county will take no responsibility for service, requiring only that providers maintain a customer service department. There is no plan for a "single-payer" system: Residents will be responsible for direct payment to the trash company that is selected by the government on their behalf.

This situation is fundamentally different than when a local municipality provides trash service. In the case of a municipality, customers/voters can hold their local elected officials collectively responsible for cost and service. Under the county’s plan, the only political recourse lies with a single councilmember — one of seven. The potential for political corruption is evident.

County officials have asserted that this centralized system will provide lower costs to residents. Certainly, there are economies of scale that have the potential to lower costs for the service provider. But whether or not these savings are passed along to consumers also depends on the degree of monopoly pricing power that emerges. Officials concede that some trash collection companies may be driven out of business by this plan. That can only enhance the monopoly position of surviving competitors for county contracts over time.

The imposition of centrally controlled trash districts for outlying unincorporated areas of the county represents an intrusion on individual freedom of choice, a disruption of the efficiency of free markets, and the imposition of a centrally controlled system that is unjustified by the presumed policy problem. It is also likely to result in the typical problems of unintended consequences that follow from the imposition of collectivist solutions to public policy issues.

Quibbles and Bits

In addition to David Stokes’ criticisms of the otherwise excellent West End Word piece about Rex Sinquefield and the Show-Me Institute, I have a quibble of my own. Toward the end of the article is this paragraph:

The ideological bent of the Show-Me Institute can be found in its 2006 annual report in unintended ways. Among the institute’s many achievements, it touts a “groundbreaking look at how to end the earnings taxes in St. Louis and Kansas City”; it makes no mention of a follow-up study (which came out in January 2007) about a land tax, economist Joseph Haslag’s recommended way of plugging the $130 million-a-year hole in the city’s budget. Sinquefield called this “an oversight.”

Now, because I edited our annual report, I might feel too protective of it. But this was no oversight. We didn’t mention Haslag’s January 2007 study in our 2006 annual report because it was released in 2007 — not 2006. As with most other organizations that issue annual reports, we restricted its focus to the things we accomplished in the year that the report covers. I myself am mentioned nowhere in the 2006 annual report, even though a large portion of it is my own work — because I wasn’t a Show-Me Institute employee in 2006.

We did make one exception to this general rule, for the inside page of the back cover, in a section titled "Going Forward". We decided that a one-page summary of where we’ve been since 2006 would be appropriate, especially because we issued the annual report so late in the year (waiting for a thorough audit to be completed). That might have been a good place for a more specific mention of Haslag’s January 2007 study, but really, that section was all about broad strokes and didn’t get into many details.

So we didn’t exclude the land tax study from our 2006 annual report because of an ideological bias or an oversight. I think it’s an excellent piece of scholarship, and I’d have happily included it if it had been published just a month sooner.

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