Opt-in or Opt-out?

Jonathon Braden at the Homeroom blog reports on the lingering controversy about the president’s address to students. This is from his description of a recent Columbia Board of Education meeting (emphasis mine):

Pat Fowler said she was frustrated not every student in the school district watched President Barack Obama’s address to students last Tuesday. She asked the board to pass a policy that lets parents opt out of watching a presidential address instead of opting in to view the president speak.

That’s a troubling phenomenon in uniform public schools — people fighting for the schools to impose their preferred policies on everyone else, rather than just for their own children to be able to study what parents want them to to study.

Single-Sex Charters Expand in New York; Will Missouri Be Next?

Single-sex classrooms have caught on in public districts and charter schools in Missouri, so I would expect single-sex charters to appeal here too. It’s true that Missouri’s charter school law forbids discrimination by sex in admissions, but Illinois has a similar law that hasn’t prevented single-sex charters from opening. (No boys have applied to the girls’ schools in Illinois, and vice versa.)

The most recent news about single-sex charters is from New York City: PublicPrep, which operates two all-girls charters, will open two more for girls and one for boys during the next two years. This radio news program interviews some parents as well as a principal. According to the report, 700 families applied for just 132 openings in the Bronx GirlsPrep school.

I’m impressed that the Lower East Side GirlsPrep school teaches Spanish to third graders, even though PublicPrep has no foreign language focus. This is an example of a charter going above and beyond what it would need to provide in order to fulfill its mission — namely, a single-sex learning environment. Charter schools are not slaves to test prep, nor do their themes constrain them from offering a range of subjects.

SMI Releases New Study of Eminent Domain

On Tuesday, Sept. 15, the Show-Me Institute released a new study: “Gradual and Silent Erosions: How the Missouri Supreme Court Expanded the Power of Eminent Domain.” It discusses last year’s Missouri Supreme Court decision in City of Arnold v. Tourkakis, and was written by Timothy Sandefur, a senior attorney for the Pacific Legal Foundation and a nationally recognized expert in constitutional protection of property rights who represented Homer and Julie Tourkakis in their fight to save their dentist’s office from being taken from them by Arnold, Mo., on behalf of a private developer.

Sandefur points out several areas in which the Tourkakis court’s analysis veered away from earlier holdings about how laws should be interpreted and applied, before concluding that the court’s refusal to protect Dr. Tourkakis’ office from the wrecking ball represents only the latest in a series of steps that Missouri courts have taken away from the powerful protections for property ownership that are enshrined in the state’s Constitution.

Are Specialized Charter Schools a Problem?

Juliann Talkington at the Panama City Renaissance School Blog writes about specialized schools and their drawbacks:

At 13, 14 and 15, children are still developing and changing. As a result, this is a bad time to ask a young person to make a decision that will impact the rest of his/her life.

Talkington refers to magnet schools throughout the piece, but the same charge could be leveled at charter schools, which in many cases are more specialized than magnets with comparable themes. (For instance, St. Louis is home to both internationally themed magnet schools and language-immersion charter schools. The charters offer all-day immersion; the magnets don’t.)

I see a big difference between state school systems that divide students into tracks at an early age — a practice I agree is wrong — and specialized schools that students attend voluntarily, which can be beneficial.

First, some people do know what they’re going to do in their lives from an early age, and they should be able to pursue their interests.

Second, specialized schools in the United States, with the exception of schools that are purely vocational, do give students the option of changing course. After going through a specialized high school, students can take college entrance exams and go to college, where they can study something different from what they focused on during the preceding years.

This is possible because specialized schools usually teach a variety of subjects. For example, math and science schools do not eliminate English and history from the curriculum; rather, they offer fewer electives in those subjects, and less time is devoted to them during the school day. And schools that teach exclusively in a foreign language when students are young introduce English classes in higher grades.

Specialized charters and magnets don’t lock children into career paths. They just give them a chance to explore a subject in more depth.

Constitution Day and Eminent Domain Lessons

Today, colleges around the country are hosting speakers and events to celebrate Constitution Day. Yesterday, the Show-Me Institute hosted Jeff Benedict to talk about an abuse of constitutional rights and eminent domain in the Kelo v. New London Supreme Court case.

While Susette Kelo’s case is well-known nationally, a new Show-Me Institute policy study also brings to light eminent domain abuses in Missouri. “Gradual and Silent Encroachments: How the Missouri Supreme Court Expanded the Power of Eminent Domain,” by Timothy Sandefur, a senior staff attorney at the Pacific Legal Foundation, tackles recent cases that have set back the constitutional rights of Missourians. Though this state once had one of the strongest constitutional provisions to protect home and business owners against eminent domain, new precedents by the Supreme Court have eroded that protection.

As Policy Pulse and Show-Me Daily continue to report, eminent domain is still a very pertinent issue in Missouri.

Constitution Day serves as a great reminder that some of the founding ideals of the country, like the respect of one’s own private property, still need to be protected.

PAYGO Would Only Provide Appearance of Fiscal Responsibility

Sen. Claire McCaskill is cosponsoring a bill, “PAYGO,” that would limit congressional spending to the amount of yearly revenue brought in. Any new program or tax cut would need to be matched by a revenue source or spending cut at some point that year.

The Columbia Tribune paints this legislation as a much-needed check on out-of-control spending and tax cuts. In theory, it sounds like a great idea, but it is actually a red herring. The Wall Street Journal published an article back in June calling the PAYGO supporters’ bluff. Passing PAYGO would give Congress the appearance of fiscal responsibility without backing it up; the rules would apply neither to discretionary spending nor to existing programs, like bloated Medicare.

PAYGO does ensure, however, that future tax cuts will be nearly impossible to pass. When the Bush tax cuts sunset in 2010, PAYGO would virtually guarantee that government, already overly large as it is, will not get any smaller. Government spending needs to be limited, but in order for such measures to be efficacious there also needs to be spending cuts across the board. Balancing the budget is a noble goal, but the PAYGO proposal won’t satisfy Missourians who want actual fiscal discretion.

Giving Insurers More Room to Operate Would Increase Beneficial Competition

 

This article first appeared in the St. Louis Beacon.

In this limited space, it is impossible to deal with all of the issues, real and imagined, that currently swirl around the health care debate. As President Barack Obama learned, it also is impossible to meaningfully reform the industry without substantial debate and fact checking.

Because I am not an expert in this field, I sought opinions and insights by asking the following question to a list-serve for economists: Is there any evidence that the current health insurance market is non-competitive?

I asked this question, which seems fairly relevant to the current discussion, because of recent claims that consumers face few choices when it comes to buying health insurance. Here’s a sample of what I learned.

First, it is not true that there is no competition. As reported in the New York Times, the evidence on insurance competition is mixed. Health insurance in nine states is dominated by a single company. For example, in Alabama one company provides 83 percent of the health insurance coverage.

A notable characteristic of these nine states is that they tend to have small populations. Add together the populations of three of them — Maine, Montana, and Wyoming — and you get 2.7 million, or the population of the Saint Louis metro area. With such small and dispersed populations, it makes sense that only with a single provider can they achieve the scale economies necessary to provide coverage.

What about the other 41 states? In three of the most populous states (California, Florida, and New York) the dominant company covers at most 30 percent of the population. In other states, single-firm dominance is less than 50 percent. In addition, it appears that in the largest metropolitan areas, multiple companies provide coverage. In other words, there is competition.

Second, if competition is lacking, why? Trade barriers. Most consumers cannot buy insurance out of state. This restriction came about in 1945 when Congress passed the McCarran-Ferguson Act in response to states’ concerns that they had lost authority to regulate the insurance industry following the Supreme Court’s ruling in United States vs. South-Eastern Underwriters. Politics and protection of regulatory turf trumped good economics.

Third, market imperfections (exacerbated by government interference) often lead to bloated costs. A study issued by the Commonwealth Fund in July 2009 reported that private insurance administrative costs represented about 12 percent of spending on health services and supplies. This is larger than, say, the administrative costs of government-run programs, such as Medicare. Hence, the notion that adding a government option would increase competition and lower the cost of providing insurance to more individuals.

As I was reminded by one colleague, the charge that private insurance administrative costs are comparatively high reflects the fact that administration is about all insurers do. Private companies administer claims and provide policy oversight for a vast number of employers who self-insure. Instead of layering on a Medicare-like bureaucracy, why not explore the effect that dropping of cross-border barriers might have on lowering the cost of providing coverage?

Fourth, health care providers use the availability of Medicare fee schedules to set reimbursement rates to health care providers. That is, private insurance companies tacitly collude with the government to reduce their reimbursements to that established by Medicare. If Medicare decides that it will pay your ophthalmologist $100 for that new cataract lens when the provider’s cost-covering price is $150, the private insurer will follow Medicare. Health care providers may thus be faced with a “this or nothing” scenario. Price ceilings below the market-determined price, in the end, simply reduce availability of options.

Before overhauling the current system and imposing more government mandates, here’s a modest proposal: Let’s consider whether reducing the government’s interference would increase competition in the health care industry.

Rik W. Hafer is distinguished research professor and chair of the Department of Economics and Finance at Southern Illinois University Edwardsville and a scholar at the Show-Me Institute.

 

The Pillars of Prosperity

Enjoy this preview of The Power of the Poor:

Leading up to the release of The Power of the Poor, Free to Choose Media is asking bloggers to write about institutions that could help the world’s poor achieve prosperity. Here are my thoughts on two that don’t work, and three that can succeed:

  • Eminent domain hurts the poor people it’s supposed to help. In the name of ending blight and growing the economy, eminent domain disrupts poor people’s lives and businesses. It pushes the poor into worse areas and repeatedly forces them to start all over. Protection against eminent domain is important around the world as well as right here in Missouri.
  • Reparations are well-intentioned but ineffectual. To understand why, read this Wall Street Journal article about a California civil servant who goes to great lengths to track down artists and send them royalties. Compensating artists a few years after they’ve sold a painting is extremely difficult; compensating entire ethnic groups generations after wrongs were committed against them is impossible. If we waste resources on a wild goose chase like reparations when we could be promoting policies that matter, we’re only perpetuating the injustice.
  • Access to credit gives the poor a chance to break the cycle of poverty. Organizations like Enterprise Mentors International and the Grameen Bank allow the poor to invest in profitable ventures and to sustain themselves and their families.
  • Freedom to cross national borders helps poor people, including the ones who stay behind. This series in the L.A. Times details how immigrants’ remittances serve as seed money for startup businesses in their home countries. This is one brand of foreign aid that enriches the poor rather than benefiting government officials.
  • Free trade is the free lunch. Milton Friedman focused on individual countries in this speech explaining why we have nothing to lose and everything to gain from free markets, but the same is true for the global economy as a whole. Trade rewards initiative and entrepreneurship on a grand scale, whereas the local economies to which the poor are frequently confined by trade barriers have little to offer. And the open exchange of goods gives the world’s poor immediate access to products that were developed in rich countries — products that would take years for their own countries to copy.

Those are my ideas. To see what Hernando de Soto thinks, watch The Power of the Poor!

The Power of the Poor airs October 8 at 9:00 p.m. on PBS.

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