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Map Series: I. North Saint Louis Municipalities Fines per Resident

North_County_Munis

This map shows the amount of revenue from fines and fees the many small municipalities of North Saint Louis County collect per resident. While many collect amounts similar to Saint Louis City and larger municipalities in the county, some collect much more. As the map shows, Edmundson, Calverton Park, Normandy, Pine Lawn, Vinita Terrace, and Beverly Hills collect more than $300 in fines per resident annually. See more of our writings on municipality fines and fees here.

Why Saint Clair Wants Congress to Close Its Airport

In a previous post we detailed how one Missouri city, Saint Clair (located in Franklin County), has been trying (and failing) to close its small, money-losing local airport since 2006. The city government believes that the resources and land devoted to the airport would be better spent on commercial property development, not keeping a small general aviation airport with a handful of tenants up and running.

While there is some local support for keeping the airport open among politicians and a particularly vocal tenant, the principal protector of St. Clair Regional Airport is the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). Because the airport has received federal grants to improve the airport in the past, the ability of the local government to operate (or close) its airport is tightly constrained by FAA grant assurances. As we wrote before:

Two of the more cumbersome assurances for a city like Saint Clair are Nos. 5 and 25. Assurance No. 5 obligates Saint Clair to maintain it as a public airport and not dispose or sell any part of the airport without FAA approval. The FAA will only give approval if Saint Clair can show that closing the airport improves aviation in the area. In addition, the dispensation to sell the airport does not free Saint Clair from reimbursing the federal government all recent federal grants. This will cost the city more than $750,000.

The city’s back-and-forth negotiations with the FAA have failed to produce results.

In an attempt to accelerate the process, Senator Claire McCaskill introduced a bill (S.2759) that would specifically close St. Clair Regional Airport. That bill passed the Senate on December 3, and if it passes the House and receives the president’s signature, the FAA would have to allow the airport’s closure.

You read that last paragraph right. Getting a bill through the U.S. Congress is considered a shortcut to closing a general aviation airport owned by a Missouri city with less than 5,000 residents. That is the kind of intransigence and red trap cities encounter when they, by taking what looks like free money, accept the oversight of federal bureaucracies over local infrastructure. If other local governments want to avoid Saint Clair’s headaches, they should support the development of private airports and local user-funding sources whenever possible.

Highway Funding in Missouri: The Fuel Tax Option

As first appearing in the Columbia Missourian:

The failure of Amendment 7, the proposed transportation sales tax, in August has left the Missouri Department of Transportation (MoDOT) in a financial bind. In the next few years, the department will no longer have the funds necessary to maintain the quality of the state highway system, much less improve it.

Former proponents of Amendment 7 claim that sales taxes are the best solution for MoDOT’s problems because they are the most politically feasible method of raising large amounts of money. Raising the state gasoline tax (currently 17 cents per gallon)—MoDOT’s principle revenue stream, they say—is not good policy because it is a declining source of funds and it does not poll well. But as we have shown before, fuel consumption has been declining very slowly, and it actually increased in the last year. The erosion in the gas tax’s purchasing power is mostly the result of inflation; Missouri last increased its fuel taxes in 1996, since which time prices have increased an average of 34 percent.

Far from being politically unfeasible, raising the gas tax is actually the simplest method for the state legislature to raise more money for MoDOT. That is because the provision that forces tax increases to go to the voters, the Hancock Amendment, has exceptions for small increases of existing revenue streams. Under the amendment, the legislature can increase revenue in any given year as long as new revenue does not exceed $106 million ($50 million in 1980 indexed to personal income growth) or 1 percent of state revenue looking back two years ($84.2 million for last year), whichever is lower.

Using 1 percent of previous state revenue as a cap, the legislature can collect around an additional $84 million in fuel taxes next year. Missouri currently generates about $29 million per cent from fuel taxes, meaning the state could raise fuel taxes by more than two cents without triggering Hancock requirements. Or, if Missouri followed the example of the federal government and many other states in charging diesel at a higher rate than regular gasoline, the state could raise the diesel fuel tax rate by five cents and the regular fuel tax by one cent and remain under the cap. That would generate an addition $78 million for MoDOT next year.

What’s more, because state revenue has been growing and per-cent fuel receipts have been declining recently, the state legislature could raise the fuel tax in successive years, which could give MoDOT the needed funds to maintain and make necessary improvements to state highways. In fact, this is precisely how Missouri last increased its fuel taxes in the 1990s.

Fuel taxes, as indirect user fees, are a preferable and possible way of funding highways in Missouri. If more money truly is required, the legislature has the option to raise fuel taxes without sending the issue to a ballot and without resorting to new, inappropriate funding mechanisms.

 Joseph Miller is a policy researcher at the Show-Me Institute.

Give Tesla and Missourians a Fair Deal

First appearing in the Springfield Business Journal:

The last time I bought a MacBook I made the purchase from an electronic goods store, but I could have bought it from one of Apple’s retail locations. In fact, millions of Americans purchase products directly from manufacturers rather than through a local storefront under independent ownership. Should Missouri pass a law barring Apple from directly selling computers? Such a prohibition would strike many people as an abridgement of freedom of choice, but that sort of policy is exactly the approach some lawmakers want when it comes to selling cars.

In Missouri, like other states, it is illegal for any car manufacturer with franchises to sell directly to the public. Dealerships fought for that regulation, implemented in the 1980s, under the argument that they needed to be protected from predator car companies.

Tesla, a new electric car company that has no dealerships, is selling cars directly to Missourians. Instead of welcoming a new business model to the state, car dealers and politicians like Mike Kehoe (himself a former dealership owner) want to ban direct-manufacturer car sales entirely.

Supporters of direct sales bans claim dealerships just want a level playing field, and that Tesla is getting special treatment. They claim, as all middlemen have, that their position is necessary, that allowing direct competition from manufacturers could allow car companies to destroy the dealership model. That would be bad for Missourians, they assert, because dealerships protect consumers and provide competitive markets. Having many dealers supposedly creates competition, leading to the lowest possible price for consumers.

In reality, vehicle distribution through dealerships can be costly to the consumer. The 2009 Department of Justice paper “Economic Effects of State Bans on Direct Manufacturer Sales to Car Buyers” reported that as much as 30 percent of the cost of a new car is due to auto distribution. Enshrining the car dealership model in law has limited the ability of car manufacturers to both reduce inventory costs and increase customization, practices common in other markets. In Brazil, where GM can engage in direct sales, cost savings from order to delivery averaged 8.6 percent through direct sales.

Car buyers in Missouri, and in America, might prefer directly buying from manufacturers for lower prices, customization, or simply to avoid bargaining at a dealership. A J.D. Power and Associates poll found that half of Americans profess a desire to buy manufacturer-direct, even if the prices are equivalent. If dealerships cannot lure customers the way they operate now, why should Missourians be forced to buy their new cars only from them?

Allowing manufacturer-direct car purchases does not necessarily mean the death of dealerships, as long as they can be of service to both buyers and car companies. From the manufacturer perspective, dealerships allow the company to devolve responsibility for advertising, selling, financing, and maintaining a car, which allows the company to focus on car production.

I bought my MacBook from a store, but I wouldn’t force that choice on others in the market. The next time you purchase a computer, you will have the choice to buy from many types of stores or even directly from a manufacturer—business models that meet the needs of customers in different ways.

That’s a vibrant marketplace, and there is no reason the same type of market cannot exist for cars in Missouri. Indeed, if the playing field between Tesla and other car companies needs to be leveled, we should do so by scrapping the ban on direct car sales. There is no reason manufacturer-direct sales cannot exist side-by-side with competitive dealerships.

Joseph Miller is a policy researcher at the Show-Me Institute.

 

Obamacare’s Medicaid Expansion as “Job Creator”? Not So Fast

One of the Left’s favorite talking points for why states should expand Medicaid is that doing so will mean more jobs at Missouri’s hospitals. That argument is attractive, at least superficially; if the government spends more money on health care, the assumption could be that more people will be hired by hospitals. In other words, it’s “the stimulus” debate all over again: If you spend it, there will be jobs.

But is it true that Medicaid expansion actually leads to hospital job growth? So far, it sure doesn’t look like it (emphasis added).

U.S. healthcare employment began to accelerate after the first three months of the year and the uptick caught the attention of economists with the Altarum Institute, who conducted the analysis to determine whether hiring grew faster in Medicaid expansion states. It did not, they found. In fact, growth was faster in states that did not expand Medicaid, said Ani Turner, deputy director of Altarum’s Center for Sustainable Health Spending.

Proponents of expansion have touted the economic benefits of increased Medicaid enrollment, as they make their case to reluctant state governors and lawmakers. Indeed, hospitals in states that expanded eligibility are seeing less bad debt and fewer uninsured patients. But it might become harder to argue that Medicaid expansion is a jobs engine if the numbers don’t bear it out.

Healthcare averaged 14,271 new jobs a month from April to October in states that did not expand Medicaid, up 117% from the preceding 12 months. The healthcare employment increase in Medicaid expansion states over 2013, meanwhile, was 92%.

You can find one of Altarum’s briefings on the subject here. Missouri is fortunate that by rejecting the expansion it can carefully watch the experiences of other states who did expand their Medicaid programs—decisions oftentimes based on the specious promises of special interests and ambitious politicians. As the numbers come in and oft-cited expansion states like Arkansas consider reversing course, the Show-Me State’s hesitance to jump into the Medicaid expansion pool looks all the more appropriate.

What Is the Right Level of Regulation in Public Education?

Back in September the Show-Me Institute released my paper, “Decentralization Through Centralization,” in which I examined the development of the nation’s first all-charter school district in New Orleans. Though a mouthful, the title was my way of highlighting the tension that exists in the decentralized New Orleans system, which has been created with greater centralized control. In the paper, my co-authors and I highlight several potential pitfalls that might occur because of the power vested in a centralized entity. This week, Reason released a video highlighting another potential pitfall of the New Orleans Recovery School District model—regulatory creep.

As Rick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, notes in the video:

People like autonomy in the abstract, but they get real nervous about it. If any one of a hundred or a thousand schools does something goofy, there’s always a natural temptation to say, “Well, we’re for autonomy, but let’s have a rule that doesn’t let you do X.”

Over time, Hess suggests that these regulations mount. If not checked, the decentralized charter market could become a bureaucratic morass. So what is the right level of regulation? And is it possible for a decentralized school system to resist what Neerav Kingsland, former CEO of New Schools for New Orleans, calls “death by a thousand regulatory cuts”?

If you have seven minutes, you should check out the video.

When Public Schools Compete

slps

We Choose SLPS is the slogan for the Saint Louis Public Schools (SLPS) ad campaign, in which radio commercials, newspaper ads, and billboards highlight the strengths of the once-unaccredited school district. With the growing trend of open enrollment programs and charter schools around the country, it has become necessary for traditional public schools such as SLPS to compete for students.

The following is an excerpt from an article describing one Nashville principal’s experience canvassing for students:

It’s awkward. Someone peers out at her through the window. White looks away, pretending not to notice. After an uncomfortable few seconds, the door finally cracks open. White seizes her chance:

“My name is LaTonya White. I’m the principal at Rosebank Elementary School. How are you doing?” she asks, glancing at the clipboard in her hands. On it: a list of families in the area with soon-to-be kindergartners. “Yes, you should have a child ready to come to school soon.”

Canvassing for potential students—and honing this kind of front-porch pitch—are standard for charter schools. But for traditional public school leaders like White, it’s unfamiliar territory.

Competing for students may be unfamiliar territory for public schools, but for students it makes all the difference. When students have educational options other than the public school that corresponds to their zip code, public schools are held accountable for their performance.

This year, SLPS made improvements on their annual state report, an 18.6 percentage point gain, increasing attendance, graduation rate, and college and career readiness. As charter schools expand throughout the state and other choice options become available, I hope to see more public schools exhibiting the same behaviors as SLPS, turning schools into places students choose to be, instead of places they are obligated to attend.

Gruber on Arkansas Private Option: “Mathematically Impossible” to Be Budget Neutral

November was a bad month for Obamacare. Over just a few weeks, voters not only handed a series of punishing defeats to Obamacare at the ballot box, but the Supreme Court unexpectedly granted a hearing to the lawsuit King v. Burwell, which poses a serious threat to the future of the law.

Those setbacks haven’t quite kept Missouri’s Obamacare supporters from pushing ahead with their Medicaid expansion plans. In fact, some Missouri politicians have tried to use Arkansas’ Medicaid “transformation” as a reason to expand Medicaid in Missouri. But recent video revelations confirm that the state’s decision not to follow Arkansas’ lead was the right call.

In April 2013, Arkansas passed a Medicaid expansion more commonly known as the “Private Option.” The expansion uses federal Medicaid dollars to pay for Obamacare exchange health care plans for newly eligible Medicaid beneficiaries. Supporters claimed that the plan would save Arkansas money, but as it turns out, that was likely never going to be the case. Indeed, Obamacare architect Jonathan Gruber, who hailed his law’s lack of transparency, said as much . . . in October 2013, in a video only now coming to light:

The video is only the latest setback for Arkansas Obamacare supporters. After losing his State Senate primary, Arkansas’ chief Obamacare Medicaid architect won’t be returning next year to the legislature, largely due to his support of the expansion. And after last month’s general election, Arkansas might actually roll back its Obamacare expansion.

Missourians are being sold a bill of goods on Obamacare’s Medicaid expansion, just like Arkansas was before them. We deserve better than tired, old political strategies, and rather than look at Arkansas as an example to be followed, Missouri should look at it as a cautionary tale to be avoided.

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