SMI Podcast: A Road Map For Education Reform – Bill Mattox

On this episode of the podcast, Bill Mattox joins Susan Pendergrass to discuss what Missouri can learn from Florida’s fight for more educational freedom.

Bill Mattox currently serves as the Director of the J. Stanley Marshall Center for Educational Options at The James Madison Institute. In this role, he works with a wide variety of researchers, policymakers, educators, and parents to promote innovative reforms designed to make it possible for all K-12 students to obtain a high-quality education tailored to their unique needs, interests, aptitudes, and learning styles.

Listen on Apple Podcasts

Return of the Resource Curse: The Trouble That Comes from Too Much Money

Versions of this commentary appeared in the American Spectator and the Columbia Missourian.

Imagine painting yourself into a corner—as someone of limited means who is subject to wacky increases in the cost of something as basic as renting an apartment. I do mean wacky, with this big component in the cost of living not just doubling, but going up no fewer than eight times over the course of a single year.

That happened to me in 1975 as the sole breadwinner in a family of three. I offer this small bit of personal history as something to think about in pondering today’s news.

In the beginning of that long-ago year, I quit my job as a newspaper reporter at the St. Louis Globe-Democrat and moved to Beirut as a self-deployed freelance writer. This was shortly after the OPEC oil embargo and the quadrupling of oil prices in 1974. Thinking the Middle East would experience one of the greatest transfers of wealth in the history of the world, I wanted to be there as an observer.

My wife and I left a three-bedroom, two-bath apartment St. Louis’s Central West End. Our rent was $165 a month. With one young child, the cheapest, somewhat comparable place we could find in Beirut cost $700 a month.

The civil war in Lebanon erupted in early April, shortly after our arrival. By the end of the year, fighting in the streets of Beirut became so fierce it led to a mass evacuation of most of the city’s large expatriate business population. As a result, the Lebanese capital was suddenly “halas” —the Arabic word for finished—as the regional center for business in the Middle East. But the spending spree in Saudi Arabia, Iran, and other countries was just beginning. We resettled in Bahrain, where more sticker shock awaited. We moved into a three-bedroom, two-bath bungalow that cost more than $1,400 a month.

Why would it cost more than eight times as much money to find a place to live in the Middle East as it would in St. Louis?

The Middle East had been bitten by a strange curse—known in economic literature as the “resource curse,” or the paradox of plenty. Resource-rich countries are all too likely to squander the windfall wealth that comes from possession of precious metals or vital resources such as oil. Bubbles develop as people who have benefited the most from a sudden influx of money bid up the price of real estate and other assets that then become increasingly unaffordable for many other people.

I got lucky. I landed a full-time position with Mideast Markets, a high-priced publication that had sprung up to provide ongoing coverage of the fast-changing business scene in the Middle East. My new employer paid the full cost of our move and our housing as well. Bahrain became my jumping-off point for traveling throughout the region over the next three years.

With my own eyes, I saw the inevitability of prodigious waste in places where money was no object. I also saw how the resource curse exacerbates the divide between haves and have-nots. In Bahrain we lived across the street from a Persian family where eight sons—all in their twenties and thirties—were still living with their parents. Though they all had jobs, they had been priced out of the housing market—and this at time when others we knew were making fortunes in speculating in real estate.

Today our own government in Washington, D.C., is acting in much the same way as the governments in the newly oil-rich countries of yesteryear. Since the onset of the pandemic, our government has been passing out “free” money all kinds of reasons—from paying the unemployed to stay unemployed (knowing they would lose money by going back to work) to $3,000-a-child tax credits and $2,800 handouts to households with annual incomes of up to $140,000. And now we are seeing some of the same (if not quite so wild) distortions in housing prices and other asset values I saw in the Middle East.

I am not arguing against a safety net for the truly needy. Nor am I saying that there should be no compensation from governmental entities for government-ordered lockdowns that have forced thousands businesses to close their doors and deprived millions of workers of their livelihoods.

But where is all the money to come from to pay for what looks like a massive and ill-considered increase in the size of the welfare state? Not from current tax revenues or any gain in productive capacity. It is coming from funny money—trillions of dollars of borrowed or newly created money used to grease the wheels of an already strong recovery. If not repudiated through inflation, these financial obligations will have to repaid by American taxpayers in future years.

Good luck with that. How can making people less reliant on doing things for themselves and more dependent on getting checks from the government be a recipe for sound money and future success?

WATCH: Connecting Policy and People with Lee Habeeb

On March 18, 2021 the Show-Me Institute hosted Lee Habeeb for a special town hall.

Lee Habeeb is CEO and founder of American Private Radio and host of Our American Stories. Lee got his start in radio co-creating The Laura Ingraham Show, which launched in 2001. By 2007, it was the #1 show in America in its time slot. He moved to Salem Media Group, where he serves as VP of Content, overseeing shows hosted by some of conservativism’s greats: Bill Bennett, Dennis Prager, and Hugh Hewitt to name a few. Habeeb also writes a weekly column at Newsweek. With Our American Stories Lee provides a unique radio program that profiles American heroes and icons from history, industry, entertainment, sports and culture. Each hour the program showcases inspiring stories about people and events that have made a positive impact in American life.

Download the Our American Stories podcast on Itunes, Google Play, Spotfiy or wherever you find your podcasts and visit ouramericanstories.com  to find an affiliate station near you.

Watch the full event:

Do Federal Regulations Impact Missourians?

Did you know that professional, scientific, and technical services (a broad category that includes legal, payroll, engineering, and advertising services amongst others) is one of Missouri’s largest and most federally regulated industries? There are tens of thousands of federal regulations for this industry, but they don’t just affect Missourians that work in this industry. Regulations have unintended consequences that impact us all.

I’ve previously written about the Mercatus Center’s State RegData project, which calculates how many times each state tells its citizens what they can and cannot do. Using a similar program, researchers examined the impact that federal regulations have on individual states using the federal regulation and state enterprise (FRASE) index. Though federal regulations apply to all states, each state’s economy is made of different industries, so regulations targeted at specific industries will affect states differently.

The authors find that “[the] impact of federal regulations from 1997 to 2015 on the Missouri economy is associated with the following regressive effects:

  • 93,411 people living in poverty
  • 2.7 percent higher income inequality
  • 180 fewer businesses annually
  • 2,406 lost jobs annually
  • 7.35 percent higher prices”

I’ll admit that it’s difficult to quantify these things and find direct links between regulations and these effects; there’s no specific regulation that led to one of these specific consequences. However, this novel program counts phrases that usually translate to regulatory requirements (like “shall” and “must”) to track changes over time. The authors then use this data along with data for other economic indicators to find the regressive effects. Given what we know about regulations generally, these numbers make sense and are pretty staggering.

From 1997 to 2015, the effective federal regulatory burden on Missouri increased by 54 percent. Researchers have found that an increase in the effective federal regulatory burden on a state is associated with an increase in the poverty rate in that state. This helps to explain why federal regulations have led to more people living in poverty and higher income inequality. Regulations reduce entrepreneurship because they increase the red tape one must cut through to be successful, which impacts the number of businesses in a state. Regulations also increase the compliance costs for businesses, which they then transfer to consumers by increasing prices.

These regulations are not just affecting the industries or groups to which they are targeted. They can affect Missouri workers, small businesses, and consumers. As we continue through this legislative session in Missouri, we should remember the unintended consequences of legislation and regulations.

Boonville TIF: A Slippery Slope

One of the first lessons I learned growing up in Boonville was to say what I mean and mean what I say. Unfortunately, the economic development consultants pushing tax-increment financing (TIF) deals don’t seem to have learned the same lesson.

The City of Boonville is considering awarding a $40 million TIF to subsidize the development of 400 homes on the land between the Hail Ridge Golf Course and the city’s airport. Before city officials move any further with the proposal, it’s time to take a closer look at the proposed redevelopment plan.

To qualify for a TIF, state law requires a few conditions be met.  For an area to be eligible, it must meet the qualifications to be declared blighted, be a conservation area, or be an economic development area. In Boonville’s case, they have decided to classify it for the TIF as a conservation area. No, not like the wildlife refuge at the Overton Bottoms; for TIF the term has a different meaning. Here’s what the developer means by conservation area and why it applies to the land in question:

Fifty percent or more of the structures within the Area are thirty-five years or older, and, while not yet blighted, are detrimental to the public health, safety, morals, or welfare.

This farmland is detrimental to public health, safety, morals, or welfare of Boonville? Really? If the area next to the city’s golf course meets this definition, what plot of land in Cooper County wouldn’t?

Next, the developers need to pass the “but-for” test, which is supposed to demonstrate that such a project could not happen “but-for” the proposed taxpayer assistance. In the case of the currently proposed TIF, the developers say the following:

the declining condition of improvements within the Area provides evidence that, on the whole, the Area has not been subject to growth and development through private investment and would not reasonably be  anticipated to be developed without the implementation of this Plan and Project represented by the concept herein.

In other words, without explaining why it’s needed, the developers are saying that the farmland is in such bad shape that no private investor would be willing to take on any project in the area, and that the recent lack of investment justifies the taxpayer expense their proposal entails.

Looking around Boonville, it’s easy to see that these claims are baseless. In the past few years alone, several residential subdivisions have been developed on similar land without the need for tax subsidies. The expansion of Holliday Hills, Legends West, and the proposed Boone Point subdivisions are a few that immediately come to mind.

Boonville is certainly not the first place urban planners and their economic development consultants have pushed these ridiculous claims to get taxpayer assistance, but they’ll keep doing it as long as cities keep rewarding them by approving their requests. What were originally meant to be tests to limit the use of TIF to areas in serious need have turned into nothing more than a rubber stamp. In fact, I can’t find a single Missouri TIF proposal that has failed its “but-for” test, and I can only find one case where a “blight” designation was successfully challenged.

While playing fast and loose with state-defined TIF terms may have fooled Missouri’s local officials in the past, there should be no excuse to make the same mistakes going forward. Approving a project with these glaring issues would set a bad precedent for Boonville and put the city on a slippery slope toward approving even worse proposals in the future. Words should still have meaning, and the best way to ensure they do would be for Boonville to resoundingly reject the $40 million TIF proposal.

Kirkwood Should Consider a Local Fuel Tax to Fund Its Transportation Needs, Not a TDD

The City of Kirkwood says it needs money to fund road maintenance and safety projects, and it wants to fill that funding gap with a transportation development district (TDD). Kirkwood officials are proposing a citywide TDD that would levy a 1 percent sales tax to fund local road maintenance.

Currently, local roads are funded by a combination of fuel taxes and local property and sales taxes. Sales taxes are the worst way of the three to fund road maintenance.

Paying for roads with taxes only tangentially related to road usage promotes inefficient vehicle and travel choices, which leads to faster road deterioration, wasted fuel, congestion, and air pollution. If people aren’t exposed to the true cost of something, they will overconsume it. For a market to work properly, true price signals are needed.

Instead of a TDD, Kirkwood officials should consider implementing a local fuel tax. Local fuel taxes allow markets to work by connecting how much you drive with the cost of driving. Buying a gallon of gasoline has more to do with driving than buying a TV or a loaf of bread.

Additionally, money raised from local fuel taxes is constitutionally required to be spent on road maintenance and safety, reducing the risk of the money being spent on other, potentially wasteful projects. The biggest challenge in implementing local fuel taxes is that they require a two-thirds majority among voters to pass. Kirkwood’s TDD would only need a simple majority.

Seven cities in Missouri currently have local fuel taxes. Most are just one cent per gallon and, depending on traffic, can raise hundreds of thousands of dollars annually. Kirkwood is significantly larger than any of these cities and thus may be able to raise even more money.

If Kirkwood officials want to raise money for local transportation fairly, they should kick the TDD to the curb and become the eighth city in Missouri to adopt a local fuel tax.

Taxpayer Funded Lobbying Continues

One of the practices I have long been opposed to is governments using tax dollars to hire lobbyists to lobby other levels of government. 9 years ago, I contributed to a major project on this topic. While the data have certainly changed, the points and arguments remain the same.

Recently, St. Louis County decided to use tax dollars to hire lobbyists in Jefferson City. I think that the dozens of members of the state legislature and their staffs from both parties that represent St. Louis County should be the ones looking out for the interests of St. Louis County, not additional lobbyists. Frequently, the lobbyist money is used to try to get more tax dollars sent from higher levels of government to lower levels, as the cycle of taxing, spending, and more debt repeats itself. (I will give St. Louis County some credit here for apparently using the money for policy purposes, at least for now.)

St. Louis County is far from alone. Many Missouri governments have contracted with lobbyists for years, including Kansas City. Elected officials and staff have every ability to drive home their goals and wants to other levels of government. Hiring lobbyists with tax dollars is both a waste and an improper use of tax money.

An Update on the University City Development

On Friday, March 12, David Stokes joined The McGraw Show on The Big 550 KTRS to discuss a judge ruling against Maryland Heights over a floodplain subsidy district it wanted, plus a developer working on a University City site for Costco.

Listen to the full segment:

An overview of the University City project:

More on the Maryland Heights ruling: A Big Win for Taxpayers in Maryland Heights

The paper referenced by David: The Specter of Condemnation: The Case Against Eminent Domain for Private Profit in Missouri

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