Hey Licensed Professionals: It’s Time to Move to Missouri

Missouri lawmakers made an uncharacteristically groundbreaking move in 2020 when they passed occupational licensing reciprocity. This means that occupational licensure from other states will now qualify a worker to receive that license here in Missouri. To date, only twelve states have given workers this freedom. With this new legislation, there has never been a better time for licensed professionals to move to Missouri.

The twelve states with occupational licensing reciprocity are Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Oklahoma, Missouri, Montana, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Utah, and Wyoming. Notably, only one of Missouri’s border states and very few midwestern states have adopted this policy.

Being on the forefront of this movement gives Missouri a competitive advantage. We’ve significantly decreased the red tape that burdens workers when they relocate. Many licensed workers can move to Missouri and continue working much more easily than if they moved to Kansas or Illinois, for example. It’s the legislative equivalent of a giant arrow above Missouri telling workers to move here.

Though there is still more work to be done, occupational licensing reciprocity was a step in the right direction. It’s icing on the cake that Missouri was one of the first states to adopt this legislation, giving us a huge advantage over surrounding states.

Companies Pushing Back Against Government Overreach

Three food delivery companies are suing New York City over its cap on commissions the companies can charge restaurants to use their services. According to a Wall Street Journal article, DoorDash Inc., Grubhub Inc., and Uber Technologies are “contending that the fee cap is harmful and constitutes government overreach.” I’m glad companies are pushing back on government interference in the market; businesses and consumers should be decision makers in the market, not lawmakers.

St. Louis City has one of these caps too. The St. Louis Board of Aldermen passed an ordinance in July of 2020 that sets a cap on fees that third-party delivery services charge restaurants at 20 percent (up from the 5 percent originally proposed). This ordinance includes a sunset measure that ends the cap 60 days after the city’s health proclamation has been lifted.

Previous agreements between restaurants and delivery services generally set fees higher than 20 percent. The city’s health proclamation is still in place, so this arbitrary cap has been intruding in the market for about 15 months. As predicted, consumers have been experiencing the effects. For example, DoorDash added a regulatory response fee on all delivery orders in St. Louis City (and other places across the country) with a spokesperson noting that this fee was necessary to pay drivers appropriately amid pricing regulations.

The contention between delivery companies and lawmakers seems to exist nationwide, and it’s coming to a head with this lawsuit. I’m not a lawyer, but I think workers and consumers have paid the price for lawmaker interference in the market for long enough. St. Louis City should remove this cap now to avoid any potential repercussions from the lawsuit and to honor market arrangements between delivery services and restaurants.

Does the Hancock Amendment Have an Achilles Heel?

For more than four decades, Missouri’s Hancock Amendment has played a role in protecting taxpayers from an ever-growing government. But actions by our state’s legislature over the past year have exposed what could be a potentially crippling weakness of the amendment.

Last week, I wrote about Missouri’s impending gas tax hike and the multiple questions it raises about the Hancock Amendment. At this point, we know the state’s gas tax will be going up on October 1, but we don’t know when or how the law’s compliance with the Hancock Amendment will be determined.

The bill’s fiscal note made clear that we won’t know whether the bill is constitutional until we know the “fully implemented impacts of all legislation passed during a session.” Such uncertainty raises several concerns. For starters, our state will be raising taxes on Missourians on October 1, but then waiting a number of years before knowing whether the tax hike should have happened in the first place.

Second, we don’t know when every bill from this past legislative session will be “fully implemented.” For example, we do know the gas tax hike will ramp up to 12.5 cents per gallon over the next five years. But will it be considered “fully implemented” in the first full fiscal year for which the tax hike has taken effect—meaning next year—or will we have to wait until 2026 to consider the bill fully implemented? An even more confusing case is SB 153 (Wayfair), which addresses sales taxation for online purchases. My colleagues and I have discussed at length here and here, because it included multiple incremental income tax cuts that won’t occur for an unknown amount of time.

More specifically, what makes the implementation of SB 153 so uncertain is that it included two automatically triggering future income tax cuts. These are in addition to three income tax cuts already on the books from a bill passed in 2014. For these cuts to take effect, state revenue collections must reach certain benchmarks. So, for SB 153 to reach “full implementation,” the revenue targets likely must be met five separate times. This assumes the newly added cuts can only be triggered after the currently remaining three go into effect. It’s important to keep in mind that only one cut can happen each year. So if a final Hancock determination cannot occur until all five cuts take effect, this process will take a minimum of five years, but would likely end up taking much longer.

While it’s hard to predict the future, it’s safe to say these state revenue benchmarks won’t be achieved until after the gas tax bill has fully ratcheted up to 12.5 cents per gallon in 2026. This highlights a potentially devastating Achilles’ heel for the Hancock Amendment. If compliance with the amendment cannot be assessed until every bill passed during a legislative session has gone into full effect, and legislators can pass laws that can take an indefinite number of years to be implemented, there’s no effective constraint on our elected official’s abilities to raise taxes on Missourians without public input as the Hancock Amendment originally intended.

Nevertheless, it still remains true regardless of how Hancock compliance is determined, that if this year’s bills are found to exceed the constitutionally defined revenue limit (which for this year was $111.8 million), the gas tax hike will be sent to voters for approval before collections can continue. And while there are still many questions remaining about how Hancock Amendment compliance will be determined, it’s important to remember that all of this could have been avoided if the legislature had simply asked for voter approval in the first place.

Podcast: The 2021 School Year So Far with Michael Q. McShane

Susan Pendergrass is joined by Michael Q. McShane to discuss what has gone well and what has gone poorly as schools around the country start the new year.

Dr. Michael Q. McShane is the director of national research at EdChoice and Senior Fellow of Education Policy at the Show-Me Institute.

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Troubling Test Results for Missouri Students

The Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education (DESE) just released preliminary test scores from last year. We finally have some information about how Missouri students have been faring since the start of the pandemic. The news isn’t good. It also isn’t unexpected.

The top line is that test scores are down pretty much across the board. The end-of-course (EOC) assessments in English 1 and Physical Sciences are the only two exceptions. DESE has made it very clear that last year’s scores can’t be compared to any earlier years. We can wait to do that in a couple of years. But there’s plenty of information in just this year’s scores.

Here are my takeaways (bear in mind that about 50,000 students who should have taken the tests did not. We don’t have any information on the type of students who were missing, but one can guess that most high-achieving students showed up):

  • Virtual learning was a failure. Eight in ten virtual or distance learning students scored either below Basic or at Basic in math. Those students have either a minimal or a partial understanding of the material. English/Language Arts wasn’t much better. Two thirds of those students scored below grade level.
  • We have a math problem. Nearly one third of students tested in math—including students who learned in person and virtually—scored below Basic. That equates to almost 150,000 Missouri students with a minimal understanding of their grade level’s math.
  • We have a reading problem on the horizon. One group that I have been very concerned about during the pandemic is early readers. English/Language Arts scores dropped in all the early grades. But what’s really troubling is that out of 60,000 third graders tested, 3 in 10 scored below Basic and another 3 in 10 scored at the Basic level. That’s over 35,000 third graders that will not be able to read a math book or a science book unless we take immediate action.
  • Our most disadvantaged students—Black and Hispanic students, students with disabilities, low-income students, and students learning English as a second language—were the hardest hit by the pandemic. Although the scores released by DESE for these groups bundled all three subjects together, the percentages of students who scored at the Basic level or below were dismal. Eighty-five percent of Black students, 87 percent of students with disabilities, and 74 percent of low-income students demonstrated only a minimal or partial understanding of the material.

So now what? The good news is that we have money and lots of it. DESE has received nearly three billion dollars from the federal government in stimulus spending. Although most of the money is directly distributed to districts, several hundred million will be spent at the state level. Parents are worried about their children being behind and they want services now. Students and families should be consulted about their needs and money should be made directly available.

Hopefully, more detailed data will be released soon. We need to understand this as the crisis that it might be.

Critical Race Theory in Missouri (Springfield)

Patrick Ishmael, the Show-Me Institute’s director of government accountability, sent Sunshine Law requests to Missouri schools to find out which schools are teaching Critical Race Theory. Parents, students, and taxpayers deserve to know what their schools are teaching. In October, come hear Patrick present the findings of the Show-Me Curricula Project and enjoy some light refreshments on us. Please RSVP to save your spot!

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Sponsored by Show-Me Institute and Show-Me Opportunity.

Missouri’s Gas Tax Hike is Coming

Recently, the final obstacle for SB 262 going into effect was cleared, as an effort to put the gas tax on the ballot failed. This paves the way for Missouri to raise its gas tax for the first time in more than two decades. On October 1, Missourians will begin paying 2.5 cents more per gallon at the pump. Then for each of the next four years the tax will increase by another 2.5 cents, eventually reaching an ultimate 12.5 cents more per gallon compared to today.

Last month, I wrote about the many complicated questions surrounding the gas tax bill. The primary question is whether the bill runs afoul of the state’s Hancock Amendment, which is a constitutional amendment that requires tax increases above a certain threshold to be subject to a public vote. Several legislators expressed their concerns with the bill and urged the Governor to veto the legislation. In the end, Governor Parson signed the gas tax into law, indicating he’s not too concerned about the potential constitutionality issues.

Perhaps that’s why the bill’s fiscal note was changed before it was signed into law. Originally, the fiscal note stated, “the net increase in state revenues by this proposal exceeds the limit to revenue growth set forth by Article X, Section 18(e)” (meaning the bill’s tax hike is expected to bring in more revenue than the Hancock Amendment allows). But the updated fiscal note added an important caveat:

However, the calculation under Article X, Section 18(e) is based on the fully implemented impacts of all legislation passed during a session. Therefore, it is unknown at this time whether the cumulative impact of all legislation passed during the 2021 session will be greater than the limit allowed.

What this means is that Missouri will be implementing a gas tax hike on October 1 without knowing whether the law violates the state’s constitution. And if it’s later determined the tax hike doesn’t comply with the Hancock Amendment, the issue will be sent to voters for approval before collections can continue.

It’s an unfortunate situation that state taxpayers will soon be facing, and it’s made worse by the fact that it all could have been avoided if the legislature had simply sent the gas tax hike question to voters as it’s done in the past. My colleague Jakob Puckett has written repeatedly about the inadequacy of Missouri’s current gas tax to maintain our state’s deteriorating roads. But is raising taxes on Missourians without their input, and without knowing whether the way it’s being done is constitutional, the right answer? I, for one, don’t think so.

Podcast: The Future of The Dome, Loop Trolley’s Comeback and Hot or Not in 2022

David Stokes, Corianna Baier and Jakob Puckett join Zach Lawhorn to discuss the possible expansion of America’s Convention Center Complex, the future of The Dome at America’s Center, another attempt at a comeback by the Loop Trolley and which policy topics will be hot in 2022.

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