Additional Opportunities in Occupational Licensing

Occupational licensing has boomed in the last few decades. Today, one in three people needs an occupational license to work. In the 1950s, it was one in twenty. Missouri made big progress in reducing barriers to work by establishing occupational licensing reciprocity in 2020. This means that out-of-state licenses now qualify as licensure in Missouri. However, the legislature slowed down on occupational licensing reforms in the 2021 session. A few small (but meaningful, especially to those affected) changes were made, discussed here. Other states found various ways to reduce red tape for their workers, and Missouri lawmakers should take notes.

In Mississippi, eyebrow threaders, eyelash technicians, and makeup artists can now operate without an esthetician license. Niche occupations such as these often get lumped into a license for which the training and education requirements are overly broad and don’t relate to the specific occupation. Missouri lawmakers fixed one example of this problem this year—a shampooer no longer needs to be a fully licensed cosmetologist or barber. In the future, lawmakers should review occupational licenses to make sure other niche occupations are unfairly burdened by license regulations and standards.

Ohio will enter the Interstate Medical Licensure Compact this year (and the Nursing Licensure Compact, of which Missouri is already a member), allowing workers to move and work more freely between states. Though Missouri has universal licensing reciprocity, compacts such as these would make it easier for Missouri licensed workers to work in other states that may not have universal reciprocity, but are in the same compact.

South Carolina will soon allow licensed barbers to apply for a license to operate out of a mobile unit and Nebraska repealed locksmith registration requirements after a licensing review found many problems with the current state of locksmith registration. Both measures increase opportunities for workers and consumers, which can ultimately promote economic freedom and growth in these states.

Missouri has another chance to do right by its workers next year. Though lawmakers have taken steps to curb the negative effects of occupational licensing, that forward momentum should continue. Missouri could create opportunities for workers and consumers and spur economic growth by ensuring niche occupations are free from broad licensing requirements, participating in interstate licensing compacts, and eliminating overly burdensome and ineffective licenses and restrictions. Using other states as a guide, we should pursue similar occupational licensing reforms next year.

The Unbelievable “Whiteness” of Springfield Public Schools

The debate over critical race theory (CRT) is heating up in the Show-Me State. The legislature recently held a hearing on CRT to explore parents’ concerns about its appearance in K-12 classrooms. Our work highlighting Lee’s Summit’s five- to six-figure payment demands for its lesson plans even got a shout out from the committee chair.

While Lee’s Summit stands out for its fee demands, it isn’t alone in its dubious Sunshine Law practices. Last month the St. Louis public school district said it had no records responsive to my identical request of it and would send any if found. After a month without records being sent and after being told again it had no records to send, I informed the district that I knew it had responsive records and showed evidence, at which point the district suddenly, er, remembered it did have some of the documents I had asked for. Thanks to the insiders I’ve gotten to know and the documents I’ve received to date, I anticipate the “memories” of districts statewide are going to be jogged often in the weeks ahead.

It isn’t just some “big city” problem, either. A number of rural districts also have gotten my attention, with Morgan Co. R-I demanding $15,000 for its records. I’m still waiting for a list of how that number was arrived at. Districts and schools that received my inquiries but haven’t responded at all won’t escape scrutiny either; after all, they’re breaking the law by not responding.

The Sunshine Law process is pretty simple. Once a Sunshine Law request is received by a government body, it has three days to respond. Governments can charge reasonable fees for securing and transmitting documents, but they can also waive those fees when the documents requested are in the public interest. Agencies can and do consult lawyers, but in my experience lawyers aren’t the ones interacting with records requestors. Of the over 2,700 requests I’ve sent out to schools and districts, I’ve dealt with a lawyer directly only about a half dozen times, almost exclusively by email, and almost always in ways that would be indistinguishable from interaction with lay staff. In other words, it’s unusual when an attorney gets highly involved, but it isn’t always notable. The Sunshine Law process is that straightforward.

Some of the most outrageous interactions I’ve had so far are with districts that go out of their way to create the illusion of compliance with the Sunshine Law only to use supposed research and production costs to discourage inquiries and withhold public documents. By far the most eyebrow-raising district behavior in that vein has been from the Springfield Public School District.

On June 14th—about an hour after I sent out my Sunshine Law requests to schools and districts statewide—I received a phone call from an attorney representing the Springfield Public School District who (in short) wanted to find out what I was doing with the information I was seeking. I explained plainly to him that I was going to post everything online for the public to see.

The phone conversation, which lasted about half an hour, alternated between friendly and direct. At one point I was told that the only return I’d probably get would be for the term “whiteness,” and it would be from some art textbook. I chuckled that that’s always possible, but the attorney was quick to say that he was joking. The call concluded, and I waited for Springfield’s written response to my request, which was provided days later.

I mention the “whiteness” remark because included in Springfield’s very legalistic response demanding nearly $2,000 for records—signed by its custodian of records—was this odd tidbit:

A review of the District’s approved curriculum documents revealed only one book which has been approved in the past for use in the District’s High School literature classes, and it is not currently being used, that used the term “whiteness.” That book, Brave New World, uses the term once on page 15 in a sentence that reads: “…also pale as death, pale with the posthumous whiteness of marble.”

Am I to believe that in three days someone at the Springfield Public School District not only went through the curricula and lesson plans district wide and found nothing, but also went through books the district was no longer using by hand to search for terms and designate a page number? As the attorney suggested, the only term that the district discovered had to do with “whiteness,” and only in connection with something outside of the CRT context. Quite a coincidence.

I have contacted hundreds of districts and thousands of schools. No one besides Springfield has returned a result for a piece of literature, let alone one that was no longer taught. None have returned a result from an art or language arts class, either. In my opinion, Springfield’s was the kind of response a lawyer would deliver to flout the text and spirit of the Sunshine Law, and the demand for thousands of dollars was an added (but expected) insult that local governments often will present to stop transparency requests. This isn’t my first rodeo; we saw these ridiculous demands from local governments for their checkbooks, too.

I replied to Springfield by asking whether the district’s response represented the records held by the schools as well. I received a non-responsive answer. At the end of June, I sent a second Sunshine Law request for emails from within the district that related to our Sunshine Law correspondence. In July I got a response from the new custodian of records who had a remarkably similar writing style to the last custodian of records, and who now presented a bill for over $4,000 for that request, at a different and higher rate for “redaction and processing” activities the district said it would have to undertake. I asked for an explanation for that rate difference; I have received none.

I asked for the district to remove attorney time expenses, which is what the law requires, given the costs that were driving both estimates were related to redactions the district said had to be made and privileged correspondence the district said had to be excised. The district responded that attorney time expenses weren’t included. Really? So lay people are making the determinations about materials subject to attorney–client privilege and other legally sensitive redactions?

What is Springfield concerned about disclosing?

Sitting in the background throughout this process has been the fact that the Springfield Public School District is already under fire for the CRT-informed trainings it’s conducted with teachers. The idea that these professional trainings aren’t informing district curricula or lesson plans, explicitly and implicitly, doesn’t seem credible, and the refusal of the district to exercise complete openness and transparency in showing what is being taught to kids is wrong.

Parents and taxpayers deserve to know what their kids are being taught. If a district, school, or teacher doesn’t want to share that information, then they shouldn’t be teaching it.

Podcast: The COVID Economy, Masks in Schools and a CRT Hearing in Jeff City

Aaron Hedlund, Susan Pendergrass and Patrick Ishmael join Zach Lawhorn to discuss the state of the economic recovery, the possibility of mask mandates for the upcoming school year and the recent CRT listening session in Jefferson City.

Listen on Apple Podcasts 

Listen on Sticher 

Listen on SoundCloud

Missouri Bans Natural Gas Bans

Legislators in Jefferson City recently passed a law barring policymakers in cities and counties from banning the use of natural gas in homes and businesses.

The law technically prohibits cities and counties from banning the use of any fuel source, but natural gas has been a target nationwide for cities attempting to reduce fossil fuel usage. Cities including Denver, Seattle, and 42 municipalities in California have banned natural gas for various usages in new construction. Brookline, Massachusetts, voted to ban natural gas usage in new construction as well, although this was later struck down as violating state law. The purpose of these laws is to replace natural gas with electricity, although this is complicated by the fact that electricity generation often requires fossil fuels.

Outlawing natural gas comes at a great cost. Heating with electricity is twice as expensive as heating with natural gas. Roughly half of Missouri homes use natural gas for heating and heating is usually a households’ largest energy expense, so banning natural gas usage is an expensive proposition. While no city in Missouri has enacted such a ban, several cities do have their own environmental goals, so a future attempt to ban natural gas usage was conceivable.

Ultimately, localities may enact policies on matters where the state has not spoken clearly. But now that the state has spoken clearly to prohibit local natural gas bans, Missourians won’t be subject to natural gas bans.

Listen: Lee’s Summit School District wants $40,000 to Answer CRT Records Request

Patrick Ishmael joined Pete Mundo in the Morning on KCMO Talk Radio to discuss the Lee’s Summit School District’s response to his public records request to find out whether they are teaching critical race theory (CRT) or any of its related concepts, Monday’s hearing on CRT and more.

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