A full-time mayor for Kinloch?

In the race for ‘Dumbest electoral proposal of the new century,’ the 21st has an early favorite and its right here in North St. Louis County.  Kinloch has a proposal on the ballot to make being mayor of Kinloch a full-time job.  If this passes, Kinloch would join Florissant (population 53,948) and Bellefontaine Neighbors (population 11,088) as the third city in St. Louis County with a full-time mayor.  How many people does Kinloch have, you ask?  According to ‘Price is Right’ rules, if you said 450, you lose!  (Note, that last sentence is best said while doing an impression of Warner Wolf.)

That’s right, somebody in Kinloch, population 449, thinks it needs a full-time mayor, who will, presumably, be paid a full-time salary by the other 448 taxpayers of Kinloch.  The Honorable Keith Conway of Kinloch would be well advised to study what happened in the past few years to Tom Brown in St. Peter’s and Sandra Sobelman in Frontenac, both of who maneuvered to significantly raise their part-time pay while in office and quickly found themselves out of office.  Although, after the Shawn Brown debacle in St. Peter’s, maybe Tom (no relation) Brown would have been worth the extra money. 

Customers Benefit from Competition

The Columbia Tribune reports on a debate over legislation that would allow parents more freedom to transfer kids between schools:

Allowing children to transfer between school districts would only leave the neediest students behind in struggling districts, veteran Columbia Board of Education member Chuck Headley told Missouri lawmakers yesterday.
 

Headley and Columbia Public Schools Superintendent Phyllis Chase were among about a dozen education officials who testified against an open enrollment proposal at a hearing of a special House committee on student achievement. A bill, sponsored by Rep. Brian Baker, R-Belton, would allow students in unaccredited or partly accredited school districts to enroll in neighboring districts.

“My experience in intra-district transfers is that it is the students whose parents are the most informed about school policy or involved in their student’s life that ask to transfer to what they believe – and I emphasize ?believe’ – to be a better school to serve their child,” Headley testified. “The ones behind get left behind.”

Headly gets the effects of school choice precisely backwards: the prospect of losing students (and with them, funding), would spur failing districts to improve the quality of instruction. Hence, not only would this plan benefit the kids who are able to transfer to a better district, but it would also benefit the kids who are “left behind,” as the old district will redouble its efforts to improve its services to ensure that they don’t lose any more children.

We all know that competition benefits customers in other areas of the economy. Dierbergs and Schnucks work hard to provide the best food at the lowest prices, because they know that if they don’t, their customers will switch to a competitor. If a new grocery store wanted to come to town, would it make any sense to complain that customers who continue to shop at Schnucks or Dierbergs would be “left behind” by customers who patronized the new grocery store? Of course not. More competition means that each grocery store needs to work even harder to keep their customers happy.

Right now, public schools don’t have to work very hard at all to keep their “customers.” Some parents are wealthy enough to send their kids to private schools, but for the rest of the parents, they’re stuck with a single option. Allowing parents to switch between public schools would be a much-needed step toward increasing competition in education. To paraphrase a widely-aired commercial, “when schools compete, kids win.”

State Takeover vs. Mayoral Control

We’re one step closer to a state takeover of the Saint Louis school district:

The State Board of Education voted this morning to take the first step to intervene in the St. Louis Public Schools, despite parents and teachers who disrupted their meeting.

The final step hinges now on whether the district is awarded provisional accreditation. That decision is expected as early as Feb. 28.

At that time, the board the board is expected to vote to intervene in the St. Louis Public Schools, a move that will alter the oversight and operation of Missouri’s largest school system for up to the next six years — and also trigger legal challenges.

The idea of a state takeover is bound to make a lot of Saint Louis residents uncomfortable. The Saint Louis school board may not be perfect, but at least it’s elected by Saint Louis voters. Why should a state board of elections?most of whose members are not from Saint Louis?have a say in the running of the Saint Louis school system?

That’s why we asked Frederick Hess to look at another option that might preserve local control while giving the district the focus and accountability it so desperately needs. As Frederick Hess argued in an op-ed last month and a recent Show-Me Study, mayoral control can provide the leadership required to make the tough choices that will be required to improve the plight of the Saint Louis schools. And it does so in a way that leaves control over the district firmly in the hands of people who were directly elected by the Saint Louis voters.

The Economics of Midwifery

The Saint Louis Post-Dispatch reports on the raging controversy over liberalizing laws that now bar midwives from delivering babies without the supervision of licensed doctors:
 

Missouri has one of the most restrictive laws in the nation, allowing only certified nurses to become midwives, in partnership with doctors. The bill would allow so-called direct-entry midwives to also practice, provided they meet certain certification requirements.
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Currently, direct-entry midwives in Missouri can face felony charges for assisting in births. In most states, including where many of Grisamore’s children were born, that’s not the case.

“This is about giving families a choice in the direction of their health care,” he said.

On Wednesday, Grisamore joined an unusual coalition of legislators, Mennonites, Amish and advocates of home birthing to push for the bill.

Doctors raise concerns about the patient safety, but these aren’t fly-by-night midwives we’re talking about. The legislation would require midwives to either have 2 years of training and experience with 20 births, or have been a practicing midwife for five years. It’s possible that giving birth with a midwife is a little bit riskier than giving birth with a doctor, but in a free country, an expectant mother should be allowed to assess the risks and make a choice for herself.

The big effect of the midwife bill that medical associations don’t talk about is that opening up the market will increase competition and reduce the salaries of doctors. Although doctors might not like that, it would be a good thing for the rest of us. The United States has millions of patients who are unable to see a doctor at all due to soaring health care costs. If midwives can deliver babies nearly as well as doctors at a fraction of the cost, it makes sense to have doctors tend to more patients who really do require the services of doctors, while midwives deliver more babies.

Missouri Should Open Cable TV Market to Competition

A few decades ago, cable TV looked like a monopoly that was here to stay. Missouri passed cable franchise laws, which require cable companies to go through a time-consuming process to obtain permission to operate from local governments. One rationale was that franchise laws would protect consumers, but now that new technologies have sprung up that offer alternatives to cable, those outdated laws actually keep potential competitors out of the market. Missouri should pass cable franchise reform so consumers can enjoy lower prices and better service.

Cable franchise requirements probably sounded like a good idea back in the days when cable TV was a new, expensive luxury. Once a cable company had built out a network in any particular area, so the argument went, it was unlikely that another company would try to operate there too. That would require a huge initial investment just for the chance to pull away a few dissatisfied customers. Since only one cable provider would be available in a given location, requiring it to negotiate a franchise agreement with the local government was a way to hold down the monopolist’s prices. Besides, some kind of restriction was needed on laying new cable through public rights-of-way.

Missouri’s current cable franchise law is based on this argument. But the description of cable companies forming natural monopolies no longer holds true. The demand for cable TV has soared; today 67 million U.S. households subscribe to cable. New technologies were developed in response. Satellite TV now competes with cable in providing multichannel video programming services. Economists have found that competition from satellite TV forced cable rates down, so that consumers pay $4 less each month than they would if cable companies were still calling the shots. That adds up to over $3 billion in savings a year for U.S. consumers. The competition has even spurred cable companies to improve the quality of their services and to offer more channels.

When Missouri’s cable franchise law was passed, no one imagined cable TV would face competition from the phone companies. Today, technology allows phone companies to compete with cable over wide areas. After Texas enacted telecom reform in 2005, AT&T invested $800 million in order to provide video services to customers throughout the state. These technological advances mean that cable companies can’t monopolize local markets. And they show that the current cable franchise law isn’t needed to protect public rights-of-way either—phone companies use the rights-of-way already. Permitting them to provide video services wouldn’t impose any new demands on public areas.

Missouri’s cable franchise law doesn’t protect consumers, but it does protect cable companies. Negotiating franchises with every municipality in the state takes a long time. States like Texas that issue statewide franchises will see new investment and better deals for consumers right away. Missourians, on the other hand, will have to wait while potential competitors to the cable companies wade through the cable franchise bureaucracy.

In place of the current cable franchise law, Missouri should allow companies that want to compete with cable to apply for a statewide franchise. Any necessary regulation could be handled once at the state level, rather than replicated wastefully in every municipality. Consumers in California, Kansas, Texas, Virginia, and the other states that have passed cable franchise reform will benefit from competition. Missouri should open its cable market to competition too.

Sarah Brodsky is a research assistant at the Show-Me Institute.

 

School Takeover Requires Mayoral Commitment

The Saint Louis school board has descended into chaos. The previous superintendent, Creg Williams, was ousted in July after just 15 months on the job. Board president Veronica O’Brien championed the selection of Diana Bourisaw as Williams’s replacement. But just three months later, the Saint Louis Post-Dispatch reported that the two women were barely on speaking terms.

Shifting political alliances and personality conflicts have produced six superintendents in the last five years. This has made it difficult for superintendents to set long-term goals, and made it impossible for the fractious school board to hold anyone accountable for their results. It is simply naïve to imagine Saint Louis schools will improve amidst this kind of discord and leadership turnover. What the district needs is decisive, consistent leadership. 

As I argue in a forthcoming study for the Show-Me Institute, mayoral control of urban school districts can help bring to cities like Saint Louis the focus and consistency that is lacking. Boston is a model of how this can work when done well. Boston’s mayor was given control of the school board in 1991 and a few years later tapped Thomas Payzant, an official in the Clinton administration’s Department of Education and former San Diego superintendent, to run the system. In 2006, Payzant concluded a heralded 11-year run, as the district claimed the Broad Prize for Urban Education. Consistent mayoral support from the stolid Tom Menino throughout Payzant’s tenure gave him the time he needed to right a troubled district. 

A similar success story may be unfolding in New York City. Mayor Michael Bloomberg was given control of the New York City school board in 2002. While they have not proceeded without controversy, Bloomberg’s policies have generally received high marks. U.S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings has singled out the gains by minority students in New York and Chancellor Joel Klein has become a national voice for aggressive, focused urban reform. It is too early to judge the success of the Bloomberg-Klein reforms, but it is clear that they have moved New York past the confusion and petty turmoil that currently bedevils Saint Louis.

On the other hand, Washington, DC, offers a cautionary tale. In 2000, the D.C. school board was amended to include four mayoral appointees and five members elected by the public. This “hybrid” model was hailed as a superior alternative to straight mayoral control, and its backers included Mayor Anthony Williams, the Washington Post, the Greater Washington Board of Trade, and the Federal City Council. Six years later, the hybrid design is widely regarded as ineffectual, especially with a mayor whose attention to schools was flitting and whose energies were concentrated elsewhere. Williams himself has described his partial authority over the D.C. school board as “trying to drive a car with one pedal.”

There is reason to believe that mayoral control of large urban districts offers a better chance for disciplined oversight, real accountability, and sustained focus than does continued control by an elected school board. But in order for mayoral control to work as intended, careful attention must be paid to how the reform is executed. In particular, it is absolutely critical that Mayor Slay demonstrate a willingness to mobilize support and expend political capital on behalf of a coherent reform agenda. Such action will require the backing of business and civic leaders in Saint Louis. Those leaders, in turn, must be willing to hold the mayor’s feet to the fire, insisting that he set clear goals for the district, establish meaningful benchmarks, and do what is necessary to see that district officials are getting the job done.

Absent this commitment, a takeover will do little more than increase confusion. Meanwhile, a poorly-executed transfer of authority could yield new problems by reducing transparency, making it harder for local voices to get a hearing, and further insulating district leaders from at least rudimentary democratic oversight.

Mayoral control is no quick fix or panacea. But as Boston and New York show, if pursued thoughtfully, it can invigorate school improvement. If Mayor Slay is willing to make school improvement the centerpiece of his administration, and if business and civic leaders are willing to throw their weight behind the mayor’s agenda, it could offer new hope to the nearly 40,000 kids in Saint Louis schools.

Frederick M. Hess is director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute and the author of a forthcoming study from the Show-Me Institute on mayoral control of urban school districts. He holds a Ph.D. in government from Harvard University.

Minimum Wage Hike Is Poorly Targeted at the Poor

 

This November, Missouri voters will vote on Proposition B, which would raise the state’s minimum wage to $6.50 per hour. Proponents of the ballot initiative claim that the wage hike is necessary to ensure that poor Missourians can make ends meet. What they don’t mention is that most minimum wage workers are not poor, and that most poor workers don’t make the minimum wage. Missouri consumers would pay for the wage hike through higher prices, and many of the benefits would go to middle-class teenagers. It would be far better to focus on targeted policies like expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit, which puts more money in the pockets of low-income workers at a far lower cost to Missouri consumers.

It is a common misperception that the minimum wage primarily affects poor workers struggling to raise families. According to the Census Bureau, only a quarter of Missouri workers making less than $6.50 per hour live in households below the federal poverty line. Even fewer—about 11 percent—are in single-income households with children. In contrast, about 40 percent of the workers who would be affected by proposition B are still living with their parents, and 29 percent live in households with incomes above four times the poverty line—about $80,000 for a family of four. The average hourly wage of primary earners in households below the poverty line is more than $9.50 – 47% higher than the proposed increase.

 

Increasing the minimum wage discourages employers from hiring low-skilled labor. For example, a fast food restaurant may find it profitable to employ several workers flipping burgers for $5.15 an hour, but at $6.50 per hour the restaurant may choose to invest in upgrading its equipment so it can make the same number of hamburgers with fewer workers. A car wash might not hire someone to dry off cars after they’ve been washed, or a retail store might not hire an extra employee to answer the phone.

Firms that adjust their business plans to reduce their labor costs are likely to let go of their least-skilled workers first. They may let go of adult workers with poor literacy and math skills—such as recent immigrants or single mothers struggling to get off welfare—in favor of middle-class teenagers with higher levels of education. Hence, the workers who will bear the brunt of the job losses are likely to be the workers who can least afford to lose their jobs.

And the job losses would be significant. In a recent study for the Show-Me Institute, economists report that Proposition B will destroy 18,500 jobs and impose $339 million in additional costs on Missouri businesses. These effects will be particularly severe for Missouri because 60 percent of the state’s population lives in the Saint Louis or Kansas City metropolitan areas, both of which straddle borders with neighboring states. A higher minimum wage will discourage entrepreneurs from starting or expanding business on the Missouri side of the border with cheaper labor just a few miles down the road.

Luckily, there are far more effective and efficient ways to help the poor. The ideal anti-poverty program should focus resources directly on those who need the help—working families supporting children. With a higher minimum wage, businesses are forced to give raises to several middle-class teenagers for every single mother who gets a raise. Instead, Missouri should join the 14 states (including four of Missouri’s neighbors) that supplement the federal Earned Income Tax Credit. The EITC is targeted at raising the incomes of poor workers supporting children. Teenagers living with parents and workers with wealthier spouses are not eligible.

Raising the minimum wage has a lot of intuitive appeal. But it’s important to make policy that’s smart as well as compassionate. Proposition B is the shotgun of anti-poverty programs; it would do little to lift poor workers out of poverty, but it would do a lot of damage to Missouri’s economy. Missouri deserves better. Targeted anti-poverty programs like the EITC will be far more effective than the scattershot approach of raising the minimum wage.

Timothy B. Lee is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute. Justin Hauke is an economic analyst living in Saint Louis.

 

Charter Schools Help Minority Students Catch Up

Minority students are falling behind in the public school system. The graduation rate for Missouri’s white students is 87.4 percent; for black students it’s fully 10 points lower—77 percent. Black students don’t do so well as their white peers on the Communication Arts section of the MAP test.  They lag behind on the Mathematics section of MAP too.

But the gap is much larger in St. Louis than in Kansas City.  In Kansas City, the graduation rate for black students hovers around the state average.  In St. Louis City, it’s an appalling 58 percent. One important reason is Kansas City’s charter school advantage. Kansas City has a vibrant system of 18 charter schools. St. Louis, in contrast, has only 7. Many of those charter schools serve minority students, giving them additional opportunities and discourage them from dropping out. Policymakers in St. Louis and Jefferson City should find ways to expand charter schools in St. Louis so that minority children there have the same opportunities as minority children in Kansas City.

Missouri’s urban public schools don’t do a good job of preparing minority students for life and work.  And unfortunately, many minority families in St. Louis and Kansas City can’t afford homes in suburban school districts, nor can they afford to send their kids to private prep schools or tutoring as many wealthier families do.  Minority teens who aren’t doing well in the public schools may feel that the only alternative is to drop out.

But some Kansas City schools are beating the odds.  For example, Don Bosco Education Center and Hogan Preparatory Academy have black graduation rates above Missouri’s average.  At Don Bosco Education Center, the black graduation rate is a respectable 86 percent.  Hogan Preparatory Academy has an outstanding black graduation rate of 98.3 percent.

These aren’t traditional public high schools.  Don Bosco Education Center serves at-risk teens.  Hogan Preparatory Academy focuses on college prep.  Both serve a large proportion of minority students. Both are Kansas City charter schools sponsored by Central Missouri State University.

Charter schools excel because they aren’t stifled by all the counterproductive requirements the state places on other public schools.  With the guidance of a sponsoring organization, charter schools are free to try new curricula and innovative teaching methods.  Charter schools may emphasize a specific subject area, like technology or foreign language.  All these factors contribute to charter schools’ success.

Most importantly, students choose to attend charter schools. Charter schools can create a more diverse environment than traditional public schools because they enroll children from different parts of the city.  Parents who choose their child’s school feel that they have a positive effect on their child’s education.  And charter schools must compete for students, a process that forces them to be accountable to parents and improves the entire education system.  A National Bureau of Economic Research study found that competition from charter schools causes the test scores of students in traditional public schools to go up.

Don Bosco Education Center and Hogan Preparatory Academy show that competition gives children more options and keeps them in school.  The resulting high graduation rates mean that the schools better prepare students for life and build a stronger community.  Missouri should expand its charter school system so that more students can benefit.  Currently there are 25 charter schools in Missouri, 18 of them in Kansas City.  We need more charter schools in St. Louis, and we should allow children across the state to attend charter schools too.  Black and white students graduate at about the same rate in Kansas City, but in St. Louis black students are much more likely to drop out.  If St. Louis had as many charter schools as Kansas City, St. Louis students would have the same opportunities as Kansas City students and the gap between the graduation rates might close.

Greater competition would ensure that students go to the schools that are right for them rather than to the schools that just happen to be nearby.  Currently, more than a third of the black students in St. Louis City don’t graduate.  We should give these students more choices so that dropping out isn’t the only alternative to the public school down the block.

Timothy B. Lee is a policy analyst, and Sarah Brodsky is a research assistant, at the Show-Me Institute.

Joe and John Seravalli: Victims of Eminent Domain Abuse

Imagine you sign a two-year lease with your landlord. After the first year, you decide you’re tired of paying rent and would like to buy the property instead. You make him an offer, which he rejects as too low. In response, you go to the board of aldermen and ask them to declare the apartment blighted, condemn it, and turn it over to you for redevelopment.


The Gentry’s landing apartment complex. The fence in the foreground surrounds a supporting cable for a crane that’s being used for new construction across the street.

It might sound absurd, but something very similar is happening right now in Saint Louis. The story demonstrates just how ripe for abuse Missouri’s eminent domain laws have become. And there’s little reason to think the eminent domain bill the state legislature passed in May will prevent such abuses in the future, because the “blight” loophole being used by the city was not closed by the legislation.

When you think “urban blight,” you probably don’t think of the downtown Radisson. The Radisson is one of three skyscrapers built on land leased from Florida real estate developers John and Joe Seravalli. The other two are apartment buildings: the Mansion House and Gentry’s Landing. The owners of the buildings pay rent for the use of the land under leases that last for decades.


A view of the Mansion House apartment as seen from the “blighted” courtyard that lies between the Mansion House and Gentry’s Landing.

Gentry’s Landing is owned by Integrity Real Estate, headed by Peter McCann. For years, McCann has expressed interest in purchasing the land under his building from the Seravallis in preparation for building renovations, but they have not been able to agree on a price. In 2001, McCann began hinting that if he didn’t get a “reasonable” price, he might ask the city government to condemn the land and turn it over to him for redevelopment. Those threats became more overt in 2005, with warnings that he would have “no choice” but to pursue condemnation of the land if a deal was not reached. When the Saravallis continued to refuse McCann’s terms, McCann made good on his threat. On April 28, 2006, the city of Saint Louis notified the Seravallis that they would have to sell or have their land seized using eminent domain.

The neighborhood in question does show some signs of neglect. The city declared the area to be blighted back in 1989. Today, retail space along the street includes a payday loan shop and a couple of vacancies. The Gentry’s Landing apartment building is beginning to show signs of age. But it’s not obvious why the blame for those problems should fall on the Seravallis, who only own the land underneath the complex, rather than McCann, who owns and operates the facility itself.


The lobby of the “blighted” downtown Radisson hotel, on the same block as Gentry’s Landing.

The Seravallis contend that the reason is politics: that McCann and the city are conspiring to take their land for below its fair market value. They have filed suit against the plan, asking why, after 17 years of inaction, the city has suddenly become interested in redeveloping the neighborhood.

The story illustrates how precarious property rights have become in Missouri. Property rights should not depend on whether you have connections in city hall. The eminent domain legislation passed in May is unlikely to solve the problem. The legislation does require that blight determinations not be “arbitrary or capricious or induced by fraud, collusion, or bad faith.” But it’s difficult to prove bad faith in court, and judges have historically been reluctant to second-guess the decisions of legislative bodies. Such vague rules are unlikely to be much of a deterrent.

 


Some retail stores down the street from Gentry’s Landing.

More importantly, the legislation did not close the “blight” loophole, which has become one of the most common justifications for the use of eminent domain in Missouri. The legislation sets a 5-year time limit on blight designations, but it allows city legislative bodies to renew the blight designation indefinitely. And the legislation does not tighten the definition of blight, leaving city officials with wide latitude in defining the term.

The power of eminent domain has traditionally been used for public uses like roads, police stations, and hospitals. The Seravallis’ battle with the city of St. Louis illustrates how far we’ve strayed from that ideal. Although the proposed redevelopment might result in increased tax revenue for the city, the primary beneficiary is clearly a private real estate developer. And any incresed tax revenue would come at the cost of weakening property rights for everyone.

The Seravallis are successful commercial real estate developers who can afford to hire the best legal talent to defend their rights in court. They may ultimately prevail. But the battle will take years and cost tens of thousands of dollars in legal fees. Few homeowners could afford to mount that kind of legal defense. If property rights in Missouri aren’t strengthened, the big losers won’t be wealthy businessmen like the Saravallis, but ordinary homeowners who won’t have a prayer of standing up to unjust seizures of their land.

Timothy B. Lee is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute.

 

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