Saint Louis Public Schools Get More and More Desperate

The Saint Louis Board of Education is fighting the state takeover tooth and nail:

The St. Louis Board of Education will consider a resolution today urging surrounding school districts not to accept city students seeking to transfer as a result of the state takeover of the troubled district.

Meanwhile, at a special meeting, the board also may ask every school board in Missouri to adopt resolutions opposing the state takeover scheduled to begin June 15.

SLPS failed the students of Saint Louis, so now it doesn’t want any other district to help them. These resolutions suggest that SLPS doesn’t have the welfare of students at heart.

Critics Misrepresent Poll Methodology

On Wednesday, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch published an article that called into question the methodology of the poll we commissioned for our recent study about school choice opinions among the Missouri population. From the article:

The critics say the Show-Me Institute’s poll by a research firm, Market Research Insight of Gulf Breeze, Fla., was a "push poll." Push polls phrase questions that steer a survey toward a predetermined, desired outcome.

Jung and others point to the phrasing mixed in to the survey’s 50 questions. They say terms such as "crisis" when discussing public schools have negative connotations.

"You have to wonder about the credibility of a poll like that, in our view," said Brent Ghan of the Missouri School Boards Association.

This first objection is odd. The pollsters didn’t assert that the public schools are in a crisis, or even suggest it. Early in the poll, they asked this question:

Which of the following statements comes closer to representing your personal opinion about public schools in Missouri?

This was followed by a few options: "A Crisis"; "Not a Crisis"; "Critics Exaggerating"; "Doing Very Well"; and "Uncertain". These options were presented in rotating order, a measure intended to help prevent predetermined responses. A poll measuring opinions about school choice policies would be incomplete without gauging respondents’ views on the current state of available schools. In any case, respondents were able to choose any of these options, and the fact that only 26 percent statewide chose "A Crisis" as their response demonstrates that, if this question were somehow a "push" ploy, the people of Missouri weren’t falling for it.

Later in the article someone presents another criticism:

Kenneth Warren, a political science professor at St. Louis University, concluded that the order in which the questions were asked — as they are presented in the "poll details" posted on the Show-Me Institute website — constituted "placement bias."

For example, he said, the survey prefaced one question with a wide range of statistics purporting to demonstrate the economic benefit of school choice. Warren noted that the next question — "Do you think Missouri should or should not have some form of school choice … ?" — was key to supporting the Show-Me Institute’s position on the issue.

"When school choice is presented the way it is in this survey, it becomes a push poll," said Warren.

This seems more plausible — until you realize that these particular questions place at #33 and #34 in a 50-question poll. Almost all of the respondents’ demonstrated support for school choice came much earlier in the poll, beginning with question #4, where 57 percent statewide say they think school choice would work better than a single public school system. This rises into the 60s for parents and minorities. At question #10, 85 percent of respondents statewide indicated they think parents should make the basic decision of which school — or kind of school — that children should attend. This rose to 88 percent for African-American and Hispanic respondents. This is a huge margin of support, early in the poll, without any sort of preparation that could be seen as a  "push."

Not only that, but 11 of the 16 questions that follow the ostensibly objectionable questions, #33 and #34, are entirely demographic in nature. If the poll was meant to "push" people toward desired responses, why would it follow the single question someone hopes to identify as a "push" question with a string of queries entirely unrelated to school choice — questions about age, occupation, income, education level, gender, etc.?

This really seems to be a case of naysayers grasping at straws. They don’t like school choice policies, so they hope to discredit a poll that reveals a strong level of support for school choice. The Post-Dispatch may have fallen for these critics enough to take their tenuous claims seriously in their article, but anybody who takes a substantive look at the actual poll can tell the methodology was sound.

The article also quotes Verne Kennedy, president of Market Research, the firm that conducted the poll, with an astute observation:

"The basic response anyone gives today when they disagree with survey results is to label it a push poll," he said. "That’s the classic response."

Saint Louis Kids Deserve Choices

 

Parents and students in Missouri have essentially three choices: public education in their local district, attending a private school, or home schooling. Some of those students have additional choices in the form of magnet schools and the voluntary interdistrict transfer program, also known as busing. The recent loss of accreditation in the public school system in Saint Louis, because of chronic underperformance, presents the opportunity to expand these choice programs for the benefit of all students.

There are two separate—though intimately intertwined—problems that need to be addressed in fixing the Saint Louis public schools. First, how do we provide those students currently enrolled in the unaccredited district with an opportunity for a better education? Second, how do we improve the district so that it can regain and maintain its accreditation? While these problems differ in immediacy, the solution to the former may very well be part of the solution to the latter.

County schools, and even some private schools, generally spend less per pupil than the city district. According to Missouri’s Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, Saint Louis public schools spent an average of $11,402 per pupil in 2006. As a comparison, my district, Mehlville R-IX, spent an average of $7,144 per pupil in 2006, while the statewide average for district spending in Missouri was about $8,221 per pupil in 2006. As a rough estimate, if the city is required to pay tuition and transportation costs—say $1,000 per year, per student—it would still save money by essentially contracting out to the county district. Whatever money is left over after this transaction would presumably be sunk back into the city, thereby increasing the per-pupil funds available to students remaining in the district. This program, a kind of voucher program completely contained within the public school system, would couple well with the current busing program.

Most proposed voucher programs rely heavily on competition between public schools and some combination of charter, magnet, and private schools. The logic behind such arrangements is simple; a variety of administrative approaches will likely lead to a wide variety of teaching methods, special programs, and systems of evaluation. Once these choices are in place, natural market forces, driven by the choices of parents in seeking the optimal education for their children, will weed out the worst and reward the best. Choice advocates further assert that by allowing market forces to take control, the entire panoply of educational opportunities will increase in quality, so that even the worst schools (tacitly assumed to be bureaucratically administered public schools) will improve significantly.

The jury is still largely out on how much competition between schools improves those schools that lose students, or by what exact mechanism competition produces those changes. Perhaps, when faced with the prospect of losing students and the funds that come with them, public school bureaucrats will start working smarter and more efficiently. More likely is the notion that, when competition starts to drain students and resources, those losing schools adopt whatever successful policies led students to the competing school in the first place. This suggests that competition-induced experimentation and variation between schools leads to new, more successful approaches to educating targeted segments of the population. In either case, it seems that part of the failure of some public schools, particularly the Saint Louis public schools, lies in an inability to innovate and specialize to meet student needs.

Many of these barriers to innovation no doubt originate in the political red tape inherent in any public institution, but that does not necessarily mean that we should abandon the public education system. Rather, a policy encouraging this mild form of competition between the county districts and the city district will provide an informative example of just how competition might work within the context of a limited voucher program, and how such competition can breed innovation. Most importantly, it will enable a group of kids, for whom choice was an unaffordable luxury, an opportunity to decide for themselves which school best meets their educational needs. Every child deserves a chance to succeed. Choice can provide that chance.

Steve Bernstetter is an intern at the Show-Me Institute and a graduate student in public policy administration at the University of Missouri-St. Louis.

 

Slowly creeping forward…

After years of status quo, "throw money at it" solutions to difficulties in public education, Missouri is finally moving forward with some more constructive politicies. The Saint Louis Post-Dispatch has an article discussing the changes, as well as some proposed ideas that were ultimately left out of the final legislation. We have already written pretty extensively about methods for improving the schools, so I won’t rehash old arguments too much. However, I would like to suggest a few more systematic changes that might help as well.

First, open enrollment within and between the city and county districts could increase competition for students between schools and districts. The prospect of losing students, and the funding that comes with them, should spur schools to rethink failed programs and develop new ones to better meet student demand. This does not mean dismantling public schooling as we know it, only dismantling some of the artificial boundaries we’ve created between schools and districts. Our loyalty should be with the students, not the institutions.

To further encourage innovation and creativity amongst teachers and administrators we might consider "Chartering" all public schools. "chartering" does not mean removing public oversight of schools, only giving more power to individual schools to set their own direction. Eliminating some of the bureaucratic red tape inherent in public institutions will make it easier for schools to specialize to meet particular student needs. At this point, all options with any potential for success should be on the table. The steps taken by MO legislators in HB265 are a good start. Hopefully they are but the tip of a very large education reform iceberg.

Orphan Disease Legislation

There’s good news and bad news in a bill that just passed the Legislature:

A key change is notifying physicians sooner of newborn screening results. In the past, parents had to sign a form before physicians could learn if babies had tested positive for metabolic disorders. Many of the disorders keep the children’s bodies from breaking down proteins and require strict, meatless diets.

"It created a delay that meant the child might be exposed to (regular baby) formula or breast milk," Dr. Schaaf said.

The law requiring signatures resulted in a delay of one or two days, which for children with this rare condition could mean irreversible brain damage. Getting rid of that requirement is a positive step.

Unfortunately, the bill also expands the number of children with this disorder whose special diet is paid for by the state. It would be better if assistance to poor people with health problems went through Medicaid or a general health care voucher program. There are tens of thousands of human genes, and we don’t want a unique law for each harmful mutation. Besides, disorder-specific legislation is unfair to people with other orphan conditions who are less effective at lobbying.

The Missouri Non-Partisan Court Plan

Missouri’s non-partisan court plan, which may not be as non-partisan as we would all like, is under attack.  In the KC Star today, one lawyer does a so-so job of defending the plan.  I am oppposed to the dramatic changes propsed by the legislature and discussed in the op-ed, but I agree there are problems with the system.  I have two (maybe three), simple suggestions for keeping the non-partisan court plan that will, in my opinion, address the legitimate concerns of the legislators seeking to change it. 

For one, make the terms of the governor’s appointments to all the judicial commissions run concurrent with the governor’s term of office.  Staggerd, six-year terms make no sense, and just serve to allow defeated parties to keep putting their supporters up for judgeships.  Second, add one more gubanatorial appointment to each commission so that the number of lawyers either serving automatically or elected by the bar association is equal to the number of governor’s appointees.  Finally, allow one of the governor’s appointees to be an attorney themself.  At present, they cannot be attorneys and it is easy for them, as non-lawyers, to be intimidated or dominated by the majority lawyers on the commission.  For the record, that last line is a supposition – I have no evidence that the non-lawyers have been intimidated by not being as knowledgable about the issues or applicatns as the lawyers, but I don’t see it as far-fetched for it to happen. 

There it is.  Basic changes to improve an already good plan.  Now let’s go get some ice cream frozen custard.

Politicians are the Real Gougers

Although Claire McCaskill has been a stellar example of fiscal responsibility so far in her battle against the congressional earmark process, a recent statement from the freshman senator about gas prices is worrying:

Missouri Sen. Claire McCaskill has joined with 12 other senators to propose bipartisan legislation to ban price gouging at the gas pump.” Gas prices in Missouri are nearly $3.00 a gallon, so people are already feeling the pinch on the pocketbook,” McCaskill, a Democrat, said in a statement. “Without strong laws banning price gouging, we will remain vulnerable to market manipulation and consumer exploitation in times of national emergencies, as we learned in the cases of 9-11 and Hurricane Katrina.”

Every time gas prices rise, we hear the same litany of cries for protection from high prices — presumably stemming from the notion that a price is just an arbitrary number, set by whim, or the greed of the seller. Sure, it’s possible that any one seller can set prices higher than found on the general market, but these sellers don’t move much of their product. Patrons notice lower prices elsewhere, and take their business with them. When a commodity is as widely provided as gasoline, by many, many competing sellers, the prices we see at the pump are simply measurements of intersecting supply and demand. It’s a measurement in the same sense that inches can measure height, or pounds can measure weight. In a competitive market, prices are not arbitrary — and the word "gouging" is misleading jargon.

There are plenty of people in Missouri who were driving during the 1970s, in the days of gasoline price controls — which led to corresponding shortages, sales caps, and interminably long lines at the pump (and those lines are a form of price increase in themselves). There’s no economic mystery here; if gasoline prices are set below market level by legislative fiat, people who value the gas less buy more of it, so the people who value it highly — who would be willing to pay a higher price — end up less likely to get what they need.

More importantly, prices act as a signal to producers as well as consumers. When prices rise, entrepreneurs rush to produce more, so they can sell more and make more money. This is exactly what’s needed in times of emergency or crisis, as columnist Jeff Jacoby pointed out:

Imagine a system that could instantly respond to a calamity like Hurricane Charley by mobilizing suppliers to speed urgently needed resources to the victims. Imagine that such a system could quickly attract the out-of-town manpower needed for cleanup and repairs, while seeing to it that existing supplies were neither recklessly squandered nor hoarded. Imagine that it could prompt thousands of men and women to act in the public interest, yet not force anyone to do anything against his will.

Actually, there’s no need to imagine. The system already exists. Economists refer to it as the law of supply and demand. Unfortunately, too many journalists and politicians call it by a more pejorative and destructive name: "price-gouging."

A steep rise in the price of gasoline doesn’t reach the level of crisis that’s caused by a particularly destructive hurricane, earthquake, or wildfire, but it’s important all the same to recognize that setting legislative caps on prices leads to shortages in almost any situation — and shortages are bad for people of every social class. Economist Don Boudreaux pointed out that the alternatives to market prices can be just as much a problem for the poor and desperately needy as for the rich:

One alternative method of rationing is queuing.  But surely first-come, first-served is quite arbitrary.  Perhaps the father with starving children will get to the front of the line, but who’s to say that the drug dealer won’t beat him to the front of the queue? Indeed, the father with starving children likely has lots of important tasks to carry out at home in the immediate aftermath of a natural disaster. These tasks might well keep him at home too long to get a favorable spot in the queue, or, if he does get a favorable spot, he’ll waste lots of time queuing rather than being at home with his family during an especially dire time of need.

An even more likely alternative to rationing by price is rationing by personal connections ? family ties or political ties. The poor family with starving children is unlikely to have as many personal and political connections as are wealthier people in town. The outcome of rationing by connections will almost certainly be biased in favor of wealthier, more-prominent citizens.

One great advantage of rationing by market prices is that they reduce to a minimum the role of arbitrariness. Price are, in other words, a great equalizer. Anyone who is willing to pay the market price for a good or service is just as likely to get that good or service as is the seller’s mother, neighbor, or bowling buddy.

Ultimately, market prices allow people to plan and prioritize their needs in a rational way. If the price of gas is too high, it may mean you decide to carpool more or ride a bike for short trips — and, when you really need to, you can fill up and drive to important destinations or appointments. But if the gas is simply unavailable because "gouging" legislation has spurred shortages, everybody‘s needs and priorities are undermined. Except for the politicians — the real gougers — who can pretend they’re helping you.

Missouri Bloggers on Show-Me Institute School Choice Survey Results

The study released Monday by SMI has been widely circulated in Missouri’s blog world.  The state’s patron saint of blogging, Mr. Combest, linked to the Post-Dsipatch article yesterday. The Arch City Chronicle linked to the story. The writers at Fired Up! Missouri were not fans. We appreciate the inclusion and discussion by Fired Up!, in any case. However, none of the criticism from Mr. Beale gets at the poll results as they stand, which is that 67% of Missourians support various forms of school choice.  Just because the polling firm has done work for Republican officials on other issues does not invalidate the poll results.  One should feel free to question the methodology (which was standard and sound) or the phrasing of the questions (also standard and sound), but merely saying the poll is wrong because the group that commissioned it is headed by a strong supporter of school choice is silly. The spokesman of the Missouri School Boards’ Association commits the same logical fallacy in the Columbia Tribune article on the survey.  Mr. Ghan needs to tell us, or more precisely, you (the readers) why the study is wrong. The fact that we have previously published articles in support of school choice is irrelevant to whether the study was conducted properly. To my knowledge, no one has disputed that the study was conducted properly.

New to the web scene in Missouri is the Missouri Political News Service, and we wish them well and thank them for their coverage.  The ArchPundit has been out on vacation until recently, but we hope he shares his thoughts on the study, too.  Hopefuly, Pub Def, who seems to be everywhere at once, will chime in as well, with thoughts supportive or not.  Finally, we thank Missouri Pulse for its coverage and comments on the study, here and here.

School Choice Around the World

The Economist has an article about the benefits about parental choice in education:

Voucher schemes are running in several different countries without ill-effects for social cohesion; those that use a lottery to hand out vouchers offer proof that recipients get a better education than those that do not.

The article cites studies of choice-based programs in Sweden, Colombia, and the U.S.

One argument that has been raised against tuition tax credits in MIssouri is that choice leaves disadvantaged children behind or doesn’t work for everyone. These studies of voucher programs prove this wrong. Choice works in different places and different circumstances. Public schools, on the other hand, often work well for children who live in affluent neighborhoods but fail children in inner cities–like in Saint Louis. 

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