The Compliance/Resistance Divide

It’s just not something you ask: How much money do you make in a year, what exactly do you do to earn it, what insurance does your employer provide, and what’s your allowance for a company car?

Contrast this to: What was the turnout in last year’s school election?

If you ask the first questions of a superintendent, and the second of a county clerk, both are required to answer. But the first is clearly a more invasive question.

In the Show-Me Institute’s Columbia office, my fellow researcher, Audrey Spalding, has been asking the first question of all 522 Missouri school districts. I, in the same office, also using the Sunshine Law, have been asking the second of all 114 Missouri county clerks, plus the city of St. Louis election board, if you’re keeping score.*

So, who’s had more success?

The answer might surprise you.

Continue reading “The Compliance/Resistance Divide”

Motive

"You don’t just file that sort of request without expecting to find something," said one Missouri superintendent when I called to ask for a copy of his employment contract.

A few superintendents have asked about Rex Sinquefield‘s involvement (directly, next to none), or how closely these requests are tied to the Show-Me Institute’s apparent support of charter schools (we have sent several requests to charter schools as well). Many simply want to know why I am filing a Sunshine Law request for each and every Missouri superintendent’s contract. I do not need to justify my request, nor does anyone else asking for public information. But the question itself is fair.

The point of these requests is not, as I see it, to publish each superintendent’s name and annual pay and then highlight every six-figure salary as excessive. Yes, perhaps it is fair to scrutinize a contract that pays $8,000 or so to a superintendent for his dependents’ health care, regardless of whether he has any. From here, that looks like a salary bonus for not having children.

But, in general, the contract between a superintendent and a school district can tell us a lot about what a school district values, and where it is struggling.

Continue reading “Motive”

Be Sure to Check This Out

We’ve added a new tool to our Show-Me Living arsenal.

Check out our new Google map of the Saint Louis metropolitan area. It provides our visitors with the ability to interactively look up the academic rankings for their school and school district on a map, and compare those rankings to other schools nearby. Thinking about moving this summer? See how your new school compares with "Show-Me: The Grades." And, while you’re there, be sure to check out how your taxes might change, too.

We plan to expand this map to cover the entire state, so please feel free to send us your thoughts on how we can make it more useful for you.

Nerdiness Is Next to Godliness

I’m a meticulous record-keeper, particularly when it comes to either my car or my finances.

In our recent ethanol case study, Dave Stokes and I argued that the E-10 savings projections reported in the Missouri Corn Merchandising Council’s study were wrong partly because they failed to address the fuel efficiency decrease of ethanol-blended fuel that had been noted in numerous scientific studies, including one by the Environmental Protection Agency.

So, I’ve been curious to see how much the E-10 mandate has affected my car’s individual performance. After filling up my car this morning, I looked through my fuel log and made a back-of-the-envelope calculation of the difference in fuel efficiency this year.

My car has a 13-gallon tank, but I typically fill up about 12 gallons on average. In 2007, my car averaged 308 miles between fill-ups (25.67 miles/gallon). This year, my car has averaged 281 miles between fill-ups (23.42 miles/gallon). That’s a drop in fuel efficiency of 8.77 percent.

Now, admittedly, this is a little bit of an ad hoc calculation and other variables clearly impacted my car’s gas mileage. But Missouri’s E-10 mandate has obviously played some role.

So, how much has the drop in fuel efficiency cost me? Let’s say I fill up my car twice a month (24 gallons). With $4-per-gallon gas, the 8.77 percent drop in fuel efficiency will cost me nearly $100 this year.

So much for E-10 savings.

Zoning Disputes Here, There, and Everywhere

This is a "Read it all and make up your own mind"-type post. The Show-Me Institute’s Dave Roland just wrote a new op-ed about the issue of zoning and property rights in Missouri. To put the op-ed into today’s context, here are two ongoing major zoning disputes in Missouri, neither of them related to the "Village Law." In Kansas City, the Star is reporting on a dispute involving the proposed expansion of a prominent museum. Just north of there in Platte County, the St. Joseph News-Press reports on a subdivision dispute — the kind typical in many fast-growing areas. (Or, at least, areas that were fast-growing before $4-a-gallon gas, but that’s another issue.)

Not to put words in his mouth, but Dave Roland would say that both the museum and the subdivision developers have the right to develop their property however they want to, and no city or planning commission or neighbor has the right to prevent that. Subsequently, if those developments harmed the neighbors’ property values, the neighbors should be compensated for that harm via civil action. I encourage you to read it all (particularly the op-ed), and come to your own decision.

Just How Much Does It Cost?

So just how much does it cost to hold an election?

Well, obviously, that depends on the election. If you’re like me, you’ve heard the figures for high-profile, national elections, but the general focus there is campaign costs. What about the cost of renting polling places, printing ballots, and even paying postage on absentee ballots? For a Missouri municipal election, at least, Andrew and Hickory counties were able to shed some light on that question.

Continue reading “Just How Much Does It Cost?”

Teachers Are Human, Too? You’re Kidding …

According to the Post-Dispatch, experience is not the sole factor to consider when hiring teachers:

That’s the conclusion of a new study released Wednesday that looks at the quality of public school teachers in Illinois.

The 44-page report from the Illinois Education Research Council found the highest percentage of academically talented teachers were at schools in the Champaign area, with those in suburban Chicago and west-central Illinois close behind.

I know this isn’t really shocking news for anyone who has given the subject serious thought. It seems fairly obvious that experience is only one of many factors that need to be taken into account when hiring mechanics, doctors, financial analysts, stock brokers, farmhands, dishwashers, sales clerks, and, yes, even teachers. So, surprise! This study confirms the obvious.

The reason this study is necessary at all is that unions have strong incentives to favor policies that benefit current workers at the expense of future workers. The result is an overemphasis on experience relative to other merits in the workplace. So it really shouldn’t be surprising when teacher unions favor experience-based pay and oppose merit-based pay — even when both common sense and science contradict them.

Freedom Requires Secure Property Rights

Slowly, yet surely, Missourians have given away a significant aspect of their freedom during the last one hundred years. In this state’s early days, it was understood that constitutional protections for liberty and property meant you were free to use your land as you saw fit in pursuit of the American dream. People used this freedom to build homes, farms, and businesses, while still maintaining the flexibility to change the ways they used the property as their circumstances demanded. While they could be held liable for any damage they did to their neighbors, property owners were generally at liberty to work toward prosperity on their own initiative, without asking anyone else’s permission.

Sadly, Missourians today rarely enjoy the same freedom. Long ago, a significant part of the population decided that a person’s freedoms end where they create a critical mass of irritation among their neighbors. Now, even when people hold documents saying they own their property, local governments have crafted an imposing array of laws to tell them how they may and may not use it. Ordinances restrict how land may be used, how tall or how large buildings may be, what they must look like, and how many people or families may live in them. Where owners once had flexibility to change the use of their properties to realize their greatest advantage, they now must gain the approval of others whose interests might be directly contrary to those of the individual property owner.

A case in point is the story of Brad Ferguson, who would like to develop his land on the outskirts of Washington. He believes that people would be interested in owning homes that he would like to build on his land by Holtgrewe Road, so he has been trying to jump through the necessary hoops to profitably develop his property. For the first century of Missouri’s statehood, Mr. Ferguson would not have been required to ask anyone before building homes and offering them for sale to willing buyers. Even in this past year, he had a glimmer of an opportunity, thanks to the controversial “village” law that should have allowed him to pursue his dream. But the fear of inconvenience has led Mr. Ferguson’s neighbors and elected officials to severely limit his individual liberty and to prevent his constitutionally guaranteed right to “enjoy the gains of [his] own industry” by realizing the potential value of his property.

The founders of our nation spoke about circumstances in which the desire of a majority conflicted with the freedoms of the individual. James Madison, well aware that the tendency of governmental power would be to legislate majority preferences to the detriment of those outside the mainstream, cautioned that government must be obliged to control itself. He noted that where a majority was willing to restrict the liberties of some, they necessarily compromised freedom for all within that society.

These same principles once guided the Missouri Supreme Court as well. More than a century ago, the Court held that when a government subjects the property of its citizens to the unlimited control of “even the most democratic depository of power,” it would still be a despotism. The justices further stated that communities were and ought to be powerless to deny individuals the right to use their property as they saw fit, so long as that use did not threaten the health, safety, or welfare of the community. Because the state constitution protected citizens’ liberty and property, cities were not permitted to limit the height, location, or use of buildings on their property unless the government demonstrated that a particular use of property would threaten the neighborhood’s health or safety.

While courts in Missouri and across the nation have in recent years neglected such a simple freedom as the harmless development of one’s own property, this sort of liberty is no less essential today than it was when courts were more zealous in its protection. We, as citizens, should all cultivate respect for the importance of this sort of freedom, and we should remember that our own liberties necessarily depend on our willingness to secure the freedoms of others, like Mr. Ferguson.

Dave Roland is a policy analyst with the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank.

 

What Does $50,000 Get You? (A St. Louis Story)

The St. Louis Public School District is looking for a new superintendent. If you think you’re up for the job, keep in mind that this is the only school district in the state where the superintendent is required — by law — to post a $50,000 bond to be hired. (It should be noted, however, that posting a bond generally costs only a fraction of its full value.)

Why would a school district, let alone Missouri legislators, require such a thing?

In general, having a person post a bond is done to encourage something. It all depends on the wording. For example, the St. Louis district could use the bond to encourage the superintendent to stay (she could get it back after five years with the district), to work toward an academic goal (she could get it when the district’s drop-out rate decreases by a set amount), or simply to lower the school district’s costs.

The bond required of Dr. Diana Bourisaw, and every other St. Louis superintendent hired by the district during the past 40 years, encourages none of those things. In its entirety, the bond requires the superintendent to "Faithfully perform the duties of his (her) office as provided by law."

How did this happen?

Continue reading “What Does $50,000 Get You? (A St. Louis Story)”

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