Buy Here, There, and Everywhere

I enjoyed reading this column by David Nicklaus about the dangers of “Buy American” policies. He notes several drawbacks, such as the inevitable retaliation from trade partners.

I agree with Nicklaus’ argument. In addition to his points, I’d like to emphasize one aspect of trade policy that doesn’t get enough attention. Even if nobody were to mimic our policy and stop buying from us, restricting ourselves to spending locally would still be a bad idea. To understand why, imagine that the activists changed their minds and decided you should only buy in the state of Missouri. Or you could only buy in your city. Or only on your street.

That might sound good if you’re thinking about all the money that would stay on your particular street. You could eat fresh, homegrown tomatoes that your neighbor tended to in his backyard. But what about in the winter, when there aren’t any tomatoes growing on your street? And who would have time to grow tomatoes? After all, whenever someone on your street wanted a new computer, everyone would have to stop what they were doing and turn your neighborhood into a miniature computer factory.

Your money wouldn’t leave the street, but it would be less useful. You and your neighbors would spend every waking minute trying to produce an array of goods without proper training or equipment. Whenever you spent money, you would get one of those products made by amateurs.

The problem with “Buy American” is the same — only on a larger scale. It makes American currency less valuable and forces Americans to waste their time on things that other countries could do better.

The Spectre of Condemnation, Revisited

In 2007, the Show-Me Institute released a study discussing the negative impact that eminent domain has had on families and communities in Missouri. Today, the Post-Dispatch ran a story that functions well as a follow-up to that study.

The article presents a list of “redevelopment” projects that have loomed for years, leaving property owners helplessly wondering when (and if) the projects will go forward. Whether the owners would be happy to sell and move on with their lives, or whether they would rather chain themselves to their homes than lose them to developers, the lingering threat of redevelopment has helped to drive these neighborhoods into disrepair and decay.

SLPS Should Keep Community in Mind When Closing Schools

Hundreds gathered in a recent meeting, in an attempt to voice their opinions against this measure, which would result in the closing of about 30 public schools in the St. Louis area because budget shortfalls and declining student population. However, questions remain regarding what will happen to the properties after they close.

Ironically, charter schools — along with several other categories of institutions — are to be banned from acquiring any of the properties, according to the measure’s deed restrictions. Some officials have even considered selling buildings for a symbolic $1, and leaving the renovation to purchasing companies. Many think that the measure fails to consider the community’s needs by artificially reducing available options.

I just can’t comprehend why charter schools would not be allowed to acquire property that was previously owned by SLPS. Some might point out that charter schools are in competition with the district, but is this competition really a factor if those buildings can no longer fulfill their educational purposes? One might assume that schools of all types should “cooperate” with each other, for the betterment of all the city’s children, but the reality is quite different.

Any opinions about this? Why do you think charter schools are being excluded?

First Weekend Open Thread

In an effort to better gauge and understand the desires of our readers, we are attempt the first-ever “Show-Me Daily Open Thread.” This is your opportunity to tell us what you want to see more of and/or if we missed a story that you would like to see analyzed from a free-market perspective and opened for discussion.

So, let’s hear it. What would you like to see?

Ending Eminent Domain Abuse

There is a letter in the Post-Dispatch today about Jim Roos’ sign advocating the end of eminent domain abuse. It is kind of buried within the other letters, so I wanted to make sure our readers would have a chance to see it. Enjoy.

No apology necessary

Jim Roos owes no apology for the “End Eminent Domain Abuse” mural, which protests the use of eminent domain for private (rather than public) use (“Sign of the times,” Feb. 2). The editorial failed to acknowledge that St. Louis has taken 24 properties from Mr. Roos’ non-profit housing ministry to make way for private development.

The editorial also omitted the fact that the building on which Mr. Roos had the mural painted is itself threatened with eminent domain abuse. Posting the protest at the site of the government’s wrong was the one way to effectively voice dissent.

The editorial got one thing right: Content neutrality is a prerequisite for a constitutionally valid sign code. Yet St. Louis’s code is anything but neutral; it allows signs concerning a host of other topics. It is disconcerting that the Post-Dispatch believes Mr. Roos should apologize for wanting the same protection for a political protest.

If St. Louis doesn’t want citizens conspicuously protesting eminent domain abuse, the city simply should stop engaging in it.

Michael Bindas | Seattle, Wash.

Staff attorney, Institute for Justice

Tradition Beats Technology

Great commentary by Capitol Calling (Jason Rosenbaum’s new blog) (link via John Boy). The bill to allow senators to have laptops at their desk on the Senate floor was indefinitely tabled (read: the bill is dead). The discussion between the senators is passionate at times, and at other times it is slightly mocking. I will again say that there is no better place for laptops than on the Senate floor. I should point out that Blackberries are allowed, however, and are constantly used to move debate forward. There seems to be little difference between the two types of devices other than size. I know I can watch videos, check email, surf the web, work on Excel and Word documents, and everything else on my phone, but if I had the choice I would prefer a laptop if I were going to be working for long period of time. We all know the Senate is never short on topics to talk about.

BTW, I would like to point out that I linked to Rosenbaum’s article on this subject and excluded others because he embraced new media technology in his blog entry — which, in turn, gave the most authentic and unbiased report. Good to have you back, Jason.

It Is Time for Education Reform

The Columbia Daily Tribune reported early last month that Education Week‘s annual “Quality Counts” report on public education found that Missouri’s performance has a particularly low ranking. In fact, the study found that “Only 10 other states and the District of Columbia scored as low or lower than Missouri; and Nebraska is the only bordering state to earn a lower grade.”

The State registered C’s and D’s on important matters, such as children’s chances of success, transitions and alignment from early childhood to post-secondary education, and teaching. In addition, according to the study, Missouri is not offering incentives to highly qualified teachers, and has among the lowest teacher salaries. This should be a wake up call for improvement. So many solutions could be proposed to improve the quality of education we are giving to our children — our future. Many of these solutions can be found in the Show-Me Institute’s studies and articles about education policy.

Bartle’s Second Reply to Stouffer

Yesterday, I was privileged to testify at a hearing on Senate Bill 11, proposed legislation that would discontinue Missouri’s ethanol gasoline mandate. If you are wondering why I use the term “privileged” here, I assure you that it has nothing to do with what I said — although I was definitely honored to be invited to testify by Sen. Bartle’s office. For a journalist’s take on the hearing, the News-Leader has the story (link via Combest).

It was a privilege because being at the committee hearing allowed me to listen to a truly wonderful debate among the seven senators involved in the ethanol issue, and larger issues of free markets versus government investment. Sen. Bartle was truly amazing. He expressed the power and beauty of free-market ideals with clarity and passion. One of his best lines was when he said, “This used to be an argument that Republicans had with Democrats. Now it’s an argument a small group of Republicans has with everyone else.” (The only thing I might add to that would be to say, “… a small group of Republicans, and an even smaller group of libertarians …”) It was inspiring to hear his arguments, which I obviously agreed with completely.

Just like the famous series of debates referenced in the title of this blog entry, though, all the senators involved did a great job of arguing their points. Having just read the new Andrew Jackson biography, I am aware that while history has glorified Daniel Webster for his speeches, the other participants (Benton, Livingston, and Hayne) all acquitted themselves well as a new nation tried to determine its future course. In the same way, the members of the committee that supported the ethanol mandate (i.e., all of them) made excellent arguments about how the mandate supports Missouri business, benefits drivers with competition, and more. I don’t agree with those arguments, but Sen. Stouffer and others, from both parties, did a fine job in making them.

While the outcome failure of this bill is essentially preordained, Sen. Bartle had the courage to bring it up, and demonstrated intensity in debating it. The members of the committee also skillfully argued for their constituencies. I think many of them agreed with much of what Sen. Bartle said, but decided that an exception should be made for ethanol. If this is an indication of the quality of debate we are getting in Jefferson City now, I may have to reverse my support for term limits. …

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