The Role of the Lieutenant Governor in Missouri

A few days ago, the Joplin Globe ran an editorial that discussed the micro issue of the relationship between Gov. Jay Nixon and Lt. Gov. Peter Kinder and the macro issue of the role of the lieutenant governor in Missouri government. It was a nice article, using a recent news issue as an opening to discuss a much larger question, which was a lot of fun to read and consider.

The Globe thinks that the political infighting between the governor and the lieutenant governor could be ended by having them elected on a ticket, as opposed to the current system in which they each run independently. Our current system has resulted in Missouri having a governor and lieutenant governor from opposite parties five times, or for 20 cumulative years, since World War II. From 1977 to 1993, we had different parties holding the two offices every year. The Globe is certainly right that changing that system might end the infighting, although the governor and lieutenant governor in Illinois were both Democrats, and they hated each other before the governor was forced to (how should I put this nicely?) step aside in preparation for a lifestyle change. But anyway …

Even though the Globe is correct that political sniping might decrease, I don’t support electing the lieutenant governor on a ticket with the governor. My antennas go up whenever anyone advocates making government run more smoothly so they can go out and get things done for the working people of this state! (The last sentence should be read aloud, like a politician giving a stump speech.) The Globe quotes former state Sen. Richard Webster:

He proposed that the candidates for the two offices appear together as a unit on the ballot, thus encouraging a spirit of cooperation and heading off the sort of political gamesmanship evident now.

I take P.J. O’Rourke’s attitude that preventing politicians from governing is like preventing a pit bull from eating your child, so needless to say I don’t give a whit about making government function more smoothly. (Streamlining government services in order to save tax dollars is a different story.)

When Missourians go to the polls on vote on the lieutenant governor, they know (at least, some of them know) that they are electing someone for two main jobs: to step in as governor during extreme circumstances (which just happened in 2000), and to serve as a tie-breaking vote in the Senate. If the people of the state want someone who belongs to a different party than the governor to serve in those roles, that should be up to them.

The fact is that Missourians chose Jay Nixon to be governor and Peter Kinder to be lieutenant governor. If they had run on a ticket, Missouri would have gotten a lieutenant governor that the majority of the state did not want to elect. I think that giving people the fullest choice possible, so they can elect the person that they wanted to elect, is the most important thing. If we have to live with a poorly functioning tourism board as a result, that is fine with me.

Does “Green” Behavior Translate to Greedy Behavior?

Can guilt really be a good thing when it comes to the choices we make, and can ethical — namely, “green” — behavior be a bad thing? George Monbiot recently wrote a post on Guardian News about green buying habits and their lingering effects on the moral psyche of the public. He mentioned a recent study released by the University of Toronto, “Do Green Products Make Us Better People?”

The study provides evidence that consumer choices — in this case, choosing green versus conventional products — affect not only price and other economic factors, but they affect social and moral attitudes as well. The authors, Nina Mazar and Chen-Bo Zhong, argue that buying green products, to which people attach a high social and moral value, actually produces a licensing effect: Those who behave in a nominally ethical and pro-social way in one instance will be less likely to regulate their subsequent behaviors. Buying green products establishes moral credentials, and this can lead to less ethical behavior in other areas — essentially, instilling in some people’s minds the idea that they can act more selfishly than before they performed the instance of ethical behavior.

The authors performed three experiments, one of which demonstrates the licensing effect in action: Participants who purchased green products were shown to lie, cheat, and steal more often. The psychological term “licensing effect” is, in my mind, analogous to the economic concept of “moral hazard,” which characterizes a situation in which an economic actor behaves differently when he is partially insulated from a risk than he would if he were fully exposed to it. When a person purchases car insurance, he may feel that he has purchased a “license” to drive more dangerously than before, to some degree, because of the compensatory reassurance that insurance provides. The psychological licensing effect may produce an impact on the public that is similar to that of economic moral hazard.

We may not be able to alter our psychology, but structural incentives can be changed. Monbiot’s Guardian piece mentions that we are living in a consumer democracy, and in such a system some people hold more “votes” than others. Those who possess disproportionately more votes are less inclined to change a system that has served them well, which ultimately means that those seeking change must look to a different mechanism, such as the political process.

These insights into human nature, and their potential implications, should be kept in mind as public policy is developed. Missouri has joined the ranks of many other states by instituting green legislation, such as a 2008 bill pertaining to green cleaning in schools, which the governor signed into law only after altering the legislation so that it would suggest guidelines and recommendations rather than mandate requirements for green cleaning. The licensing effect ties into this as well: A suggestion to behave responsibly may be more likely to result in moral credentials that justify irresponsible behavior elsewhere than if that behavior were mandated. This is not to suggest that policymakers should always use mandates, but the potential unintended consequences are worth thinking about.

Local Food at Any Price

As I wrote yesterday, school districts that give preference to local food suppliers incur significant costs. Processing crops obtained directly from nearby farms calls for more labor, or new equipment, or both:

Eric Cartwright, the executive chef of the MU’s Campus Dining Service, spoke about the problems with getting produce from local sources.

“Without laser cutters or big machines, it’s much more time consuming to cut tomatoes and vegetables,” he said.

Those are the costs of preparing produce in season, when it’s cheapest. Serving local food at any other time calls for even more hard work and money. But local food advocates seem to enjoy the challenge — and to disregard any cost-benefit analysis. In New Jersey, Rutgers is bending over backwards to bring local food to schools during the winter:

The East Broad Street facility is assisting the school in finding ways to better preserve New Jersey-grown produce so the food can be served at school cafeterias year-round, even when the produce is out of season.

The push to better preserve and package fruits and vegetables is part of the larger Rutgers Against Hunger initiative […]

I thought people bought local in order to avoid preserved and packaged food, because fresh food is healthier. Why go to all that trouble to preserve local food when you can fly it in fresh from a warmer climate?

Listen In on Thursday Morning

I’ll be a guest on Charlie Brennan’s morning show on KMOX tomorrow from around 9:30–10:00 a.m. What will I be discussing? I’m glad you asked. …

Although we haven’t yet discussed it on the blog, I hope that all of our readers are aware that the St. Louis Police arrested Gustavo Rendon, husband of the president of the North Side Community Benefits Alliance. Why? Because he was distributing fliers that opposed the NorthSide redevelopment project recently approved by the city. Even worse, he just happened to be doing so outside the church of Alderwoman April Ford-Griffin, a staunch supporter of the project. So, two police officers arrived, threatened to put his kids in foster care if he didn’t stop distributing the fliers, then arrested him.

The charge? Affixing advertisements to private property.

Fortunately, the city attorneys quickly realized that the ordinance under which they arrested him didn’t, you know, prohibit what he was doing. And even if it had prohibited distributing fliers that communicated purely political ideas, the ordinance probably would have been unconstitutional anyway. So, today they announced that they were dropping the charges.

The bigger problem, which I hope to address with Mr. Brennan, is that Mr. Rendon’s arrest is suggestive of a much larger problem: powerful people trying to stop citizens from having their say on important public issues. In this case, it was police officers arresting someone for communicating opposition to a redevelopment project. In Jim Roos’ case, a city agency is trying to destroy a sign calling for an end to eminent domain abuse. In the Northeast Ambulance and Fire Protection District, officials tried to fine and ban from future meetings certain taxpayers who protested the district’s insane spending. And, of course, the Missouri Municipal League is using taxpayer money for a lawsuit with the primary goal of keeping off the ballot a constitutional amendment that would go a long way toward ending eminent domain abuse in the state — because they know it will pass if citizens are allowed to vote!

So, like I said, tune in tomorrow morning as Charlie Brennan and I discuss these issues. Who knows, there might even be some interesting surprises involved. And, if you can’t listen to tomorrow’s show, keep an eye on the Policy Pulse website, where Audrey Spalding is continuing to do excellent work reporting on abuses of taxpayer money and government authority.

Thinking Rationally About Rationing

Last month, the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force revised its guideline on mammograms, advising that women should wait until age 50 to get one. Last year, the same organization made a similar recommendation for prostate cancer screening in men — namely, that men 75 years and older should not get screened.

A recent article in the Wall Street Journal explains the group’s reasoning:

The task force said the new guidelines strike a better balance between the benefits of early cancer detection and the unnecessary anxiety and extra costs associated with false positives, which sometimes result from the tests.

The task force is doing the responsible thing, in my opinion. When we spend taxpayer dollars on keeping people alive, we should perform cost-benefit analyses like we would for any other transaction. If the amount that the United States would spend on nationwide testing is greater than the societal benefit that such testing brings, then it shouldn’t provide the funding. Medical services like prostate cancer screening and mammograms have more societal cost than societal benefit. The tests result in false positives, unnecessary anxiety, and overtreatment. According to an analysis published in the Journal of the National Cancer Institute, between 1986 and 2005, widespread prostate cancer screening resulted in 1.3 million additional diagnoses, but only 56,000 deaths were prevented.

This reminds me of an episode of This American Life that I heard in October, “More is Less,” that explored why costs are rising in the American health care system. In “Act Two. Every CAT Scan has Nine Lives,” it proposes that patients are responsible for rising costs because they demand more tests than is socially optimal. When the government gets involved, doctors can effectively forget about the idea of consulting with their patients in accordance to their individual needs and to make decisions. (The Show-Me Institute study by Arduin, Laffer & Moore Econometrics, “The Prognosis for National Health Insurance: A Missouri Perspective,” communicated this same concept: Patients will over-consume health care services when they are removed from the transaction — i.e., the health care “wedge.”)

Taxpayers should want the United States to perform these cost-benefit analyses; otherwise, their money is spent thoughtlessly and irresponsibly. The United States spends literally billions of tax dollars on end-of-life care for non-productive octogenarians, during which time they do little besides collect additional Social Security checks. Researchers at the Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice discovered that total Medicare spending during the last two years of life ranges from an average of $53,432 per patient at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minn., to $93,842 at U.C.L.A. Medical Center. Approximately 27 percent of Medicare’s annual $327 billion budget is spent on patients in their final year of life.

That’s $88.29 billion! That’s 0.6 percent of GDP! That’s 19.4 percent of the budget deficit!

The United States would see a greater return on investment if it gave that money back to taxpayers, or spent it on alternative health care services, such as buying prenatal vitamins for low-income populations.

Paranthetically, I want to point out that the guidelines issued by the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force are normative and non-binding. The panel isn’t banning anything. A person can get a mammogram or a PSA test at any age if she or he has both the desire and the ability to pay for them, either via insurance or out of pocket.

Your Assignment: Help the Federal Government

This St. Louis Post-Dispatch article about the Census in Schools Program mentions lesson plans provided by the federal government:

Gateway, like 118,000 schools nationwide, will get lesson plans provided by the Census Bureau in subjects such as math and social studies that puts into context the importance of the census, mandated by the U.S. Constitution.

In case you’re confused by that sentence, please note that the Constitution mandates the Census, not the lesson plans.

Official government lesson plans can cause controversy, as they did when the Education Department distributed brainstorming assignments about ways to help the president. To find out whether the Census Bureau lessons contained similar content, I headed to the Census Bureau’s website for teachers and read the teaching guides.

The bureau’s graphic artist must have been working furiously for the past decade, because the 2010 lesson plans are much more colorful and attractive than the ones from 2000. (Just kidding about the artist. It looks like that work was done by Scholastic.) Most pages in the guides are unobjectionable worksheets that teach how to read a map. One of the high school handouts actually pokes fun at the idea of teaching the Census. It shows a cartoon of a student raising his hand and asking, “Does being in a large family mean I get extra credit?”

What’s troubling is that each guide requires students to help the Census Bureau do its job. For example, a lesson for fifth- and sixth-graders tells students:

Create a multimedia campaign to get the word out about the importance of the 2010 Census. Follow the directions below to complete your campaign.

It’s bad enough asking students to imagine how they would help the Census Bureau, and these guides go further, making it clear that students are expected to act on whatever plans they come up with in class.

Another worksheet instructs third- and fourth-graders to interview their parents and ask whether they participated in the Census in the past. And younger students are supposed to conduct a mock census of their stuffed animals, with parental participation. These activities are thinly veiled attempts to change families’ attitudes toward the Census.

Schoolchildren are not Census workers in training (unless they attend the fabled public service academy) and they shouldn’t have to act as Census apprentices to get a good grade. If the Census Bureau wants to involve students in campaigns, that should be a voluntary, after-school activity.

The Census Bureau lesson plans probably won’t receive the same degree of attention as the lessons plans that preceded the presidential address. But any time the federal government promotes a curriculum, it’s worth evaluating it closely.

Farm to School: Large Expenditures for a Little Lesson

School districts in Minnesota are paying more for food produced in their state — up to twice what they would pay if they bought it from other places. The districts say there’s a didactic purpose:

But the expense is worth it, partly because serving local food is a good way to teach kids where their meals come from, said Wendy Knight, the district’s coordinator of food and nutrition services.

For Knight, the disconnect between modern kids and farms was illustrated last month by a small boy who drew a picture of the grass-fed beef hotdogs.

“He drew a picture of a hotdog eating grass,” she said.

That’s a cute story, but a poor basis for policy. Purchasing food in Minnesota doesn’t give the boy any information about hot dogs. Food from his home state doesn’t look any different from food grown somewhere else. To enlighten him, his teacher could read him a book about where food comes from, show a video on the topic, or help his class research food on the Internet. Those activities would teach students where their food comes from, and would serve as an effective and cheap alternative to wasteful local food policies.

Besides, all little kids have mistaken ideas, if not about hot dogs, then about other things. We can’t write policies to set every five-year-old straight. When a child says something silly, it should go into a home movie, not the state statutes.

“We’ve Got a Lot of Great People Who Live in Houses With Carports”

The Maryland Heights Planning and Zoning Commission sounds just a little bit defensive about the city’s ban on new carports:

“We’re not saying anything against anyone who lives in a house with a carport,” said Chuck Caverly, vice chairman of the city’s Planning and Zoning Commission, which recommended the change.

Is Maryland Heights targeting carports because they’re a danger to public peace or safety? No, some people just don’t think they look very nice.

Maryland Heights is not achieving an aesthetic ideal with this new law, either. Existing carports are grandfathered in, so people will continue to see them in the city. The law will prevent some people from building the new carports they want, while other carports remain visible for years to come.

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