Arguments for a New Stadium Fall Apart Like Bad Concrete

Leaders of the Kansas City Chiefs held a press conference on Wednesday to unveil their plans for the Truman Sports Complex should the Royals move their stadium downtown. If anyone doubted that the April 2 vote is really about Royals owner John Sherman wanting to move the team to a new stadium downtown, this event made it clear.

The Chiefs are putting in a relatively small amount of money for renovations. According to Kansas City PBS affiliate KCUR:

The total cost of the proposed renovations is estimated at $800 million. Chiefs Chairman Clark Hunt says the Hunt family would pay $300 million of that total. Jackson County taxpayers would be on the hook for the remainder . . .

Got that? Taxpayers are putting up the lion’s share of the renovations to a stadium owned by billionaires. It gets worse. As if learning that taxpayers will fund the majority of the Chiefs’ plans isn’t bad enough, Chiefs President Mark Donovan chose to insult voters’ intelligence. Again, according to KCUR:

Unlike the Royals, who last year cited structural concerns at Kauffman Stadium as one of the main reasons for building a new downtown facility, the Chiefs intend to stay in the same arena bowl over the long haul. Arrowhead opened in 1972, one year before Kauffman Stadium.

Donovan chalked the contrast up to construction differences.

“Believe it or not,” Donovan said, “One team got a good batch of concrete, one team didn’t.”

This is more ridiculous than it sounds because we already know, thanks to KMBC News, that Kauffman Stadium is perfectly fine:

The Royals have repeatedly said the concrete has an issue, but a study reveals that Kauffman Stadium is in “satisfactory condition,” consistent with a “first-class” MLB baseball stadium.

Jackson County voters are being asked to support a new tax because John Sherman, the billionaire owner of the Royals, wants a new stadium in downtown Kansas City. The Chiefs don’t need a new tax. The existing Royals stadium isn’t falling apart. The deal won’t add value to downtown or be good for residents. This press conference made it fair to wonder how much of this is just a power play for personal gain.

Spin vs. Reality: The Jackson County Stadium Tax Proposal

On April 2, 2024, Jackson County voters will be asked to approve a new 3/8 percent sales tax to support improvements to “funding for park improvements consisting of Arrowhead Stadium and its surrounds, and a new Major League Baseball stadium in Jackson County.”

 

Learn more here: https://bit.ly/3SPIAGQ

 

Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

Chiefs Team President Accidentally Speaks Truth

A Kinsley gaffe, named for the journalist and Slate editor Michael Kinsley, is “when a politician tells the truth—some obvious truth he isn’t supposed to say.”

Chiefs President Mark Donovan committed such a gaffe when he spoke at a press conference to unveil planned renovations at Arrowhead Stadium. He was asked why the Chiefs aren’t planning to build any retail developments if the Royals leave the complex to move their stadium downtown. He responded: “Right now in this market, this is not a location that is worthy of developing. As harsh as that sounds, it’s just the reality from a business standpoint.”

At the very least, this was an impolitic thing to say about the region. Located between Kansas City and Independence on Interstate 70, the location would seem to have a lot of potential. More importantly, Donovan concedes what many economists conclude and what Show-Me Institute researchers have been pointing out for years: stadiums do not generate economic growth.

Rest assured, I will be adding Donovan’s comment to my PowerPoint deck on the many false claims of economic development impact statements.

Velda City and Northwoods Are Basically Stalking Their Citizens

What do we call people (usually men) who keep asking women out again and again and again despite repeated rejections? We call them stalkers.

What do we call cities that keep asking voters again and again for tax hikes despite repeated rejections? Well, nothing, I guess, but we should call them stalkers, too.

Right now, the best examples are the two small municipalities of Velda City and Northwoods in North St. Louis County. For the upcoming municipal elections in April, Velda City residents are being asked to approve three (three!) taxes that they voted down last year. This includes a marijuana tax and a use tax that they rejected in the April 2023 elections. The third tax increase is a utility tax increase that voters have rejected twice (twice!) recently, in both 2022 and 2023.

In Northwoods, voters are once again being asked to approve a use tax despite voting against the tax in both April 2023 and April 2022. This is ridiculous, and it isn’t a one-time problem.

Last year, for the April municipal elections, four municipalities within St. Louis County placed a use tax proposition on the ballot despite the fact that voters in those cities had rejected the use tax just one year before. Those four municipalities were Chesterfield, Fenton, Town and Country, and the previously discussed Northwoods. Chesterfield voters, in particular, have basically told the city, “I don’t want to go out with you,” and the city responds, “That’s ok, I’ll ask you out again tomorrow.”

Maryland Heights was even more aggressive. There, voters rejected a use tax in November of 2022 yet there they were again in April 2023, voting just five months later on the exact same tax increase proposal.

The Hancock Amendment thankfully requires the public to vote on municipal tax increases. But it violates the spirit of the amendment and common decency to just put taxes on the ballot over and over until the public passes them. While all the examples I have given are in St. Louis County, I assure you this is a problem statewide.

Missouri House Bill 2058 has been introduced to require a minimum space of two years before an issue can be put back on the ballot once it is defeated. This change is sorely needed for Missouri voters. The people of Velda City and Northwoods deserve a break from their governmental stalkers.

Listen: The Latest on the New KC Stadium Tax

On February 28, Patrick Tuohey joined Mundo in the Morning on KCMO to discuss a new 3/8 percent sales tax being proposed to support “funding for park improvements consisting of Arrowhead Stadium and its surrounds, and a new Major League Baseball stadium in Jackson County.”

The vote will be on April 2.

Considering the Four-Day School Week? Pilot It and Evaluate It

I am often engaged in policy discussions. Every now and then, someone I am speaking with says something that makes me wonder, “Why didn’t I think of that?” This happened during a recent panel discussion in Jefferson City. I was joined on the panel by the Show-Me Institute’s Avery Frank and Eric Wearne, an associate professor at Kennesaw State University. During the question-and-answer session, someone asked what advice we might give to a superintendent who is thinking about moving to a four-day school week. Eric offered some advice that was incredibly insightful and incredibly obvious, so much so that I was dumbfounded as to why it hadn’t crossed my mind.

Eric basically said, “Why do it all at once? Why not experiment at one school?” This suggestion may not make sense in a small, rural school district with one elementary school, but it makes perfect sense for a larger school district. Take the Independence School District, for example. The district has over 14,000 students and 20 elementary schools. The district decided to move to a four-day school week.

Think about what district leadership could have done if they had approached this like a researcher.

The Independence School District could have selected two elementary schools to pilot a four-day school week. If it is as appealing as the district says it is, then many teachers and students would likely want to move to that school. The district could have held a lottery to randomly accept teachers and students into the school.

Then we could have had a random assignment evaluation of the school district that moved to the four-day school week. We would have had a group of students in a five-day school and a group in a four-day school and the only difference between the two groups would have been random chance. This is the gold standard of social science research.

I understand the impulse of superintendents and school boards to consider the four-day school week, but they do not have to make the move all or nothing. Pilot it. Evaluate it rigorously. A move this significant deserves that kind of consideration.

Show-Me Energy: Decommissioning Power Plants Part 2

The decommissioning of coal plants is happening across the nation. Senate Bill (SB) 757 would mandate that prior to closing an electricity-generating power plant, there needs to be a new power plant ready to replace it with equal or greater nameplate capacity This bill is being proposed as an attempt to try to smoothen this energy transition for Missouri consumers. In the near future, many Missouri plants such as Rush Island in Jefferson County (2024), Sioux in St. Charles County (2032), and Labadie in Franklin County (half 2036, half 2042) will be taken offline (The years in parentheses signify Ameren’s preferred timeline to close these plants.)

If you clicked on this post without reading Part 1, I encourage you to go back and read Part 1. In that post, I defined some of the energy jargon used in this debate. This post will focus on the provisions of SB 757.

Does SB 757 address capacity factor and dispatchability?

The bill does not explicitly mention capacity factor or dispatchability. Here is a passage from the bill text:

The new replacement reliable electric generation shall be equal to or greater than the full nameplate capacity of any existing electric generating power plant and shall be certified as an equal or greater amount of reliable electric generation by the Missouri public service commission and the regional reliability organization in which the electric utility company operates. (emphasis added)

Unless the public service commission comes up with its own system of power accreditation, it seems this bill will hinge on the actions of our regional reliability organizations.

While I will not go into all of the specific details, the two main regional energy organizations in Missouri—Midcontinent Independent System Operator (MISO) and Southwest Power Pool (SPP)—have outlined their resource accreditation process for rating power sources and individual power plants (you can read MISO’s method here). MISO’s plan “informs long-term investment and retirement decisions by accurately representing the capacity value of a resource in the prompt year.”

What a statement like that means is that MISO (and SPP also) account for capacity factor and value on the grid by examining different yearly, monthly, and daily variables—all with declared intentions to “maintain reliability.”

However, we should still be cautious, as utilities also can miscalculate or serve other agendas. For example, California has dramatically increased its amount of renewable energy sources in the past 10 years, which now account for up to 42% of its net electricity generation. In the same timeframe, California has cut its nuclear supply by over half, down to 8%. As a result, the dispatchability problem has reared its ugly head in recent years, as in 2020 California had power outages due to insufficient energy for the first time in over 20 years. Sadly, 2020 wasn’t the end of California’s power struggles, as problems have continued. California’s regional reliability organization, California Independent System Operator (CAISO), has even at times called for residents to “use less power between 4 and 9 p.m.” Whether it was due to miscalculation or prioritizing other agendas, Californians are struggling because of a lack of dispatchability and reliability.

That brings me to my main questions concerning SB 787. Can Missouri citizens confidently rely on these regional reliability organizations (MISO, SPP) to protect their energy needs? Will these organizations continue to prioritize both capacity and dispatchability? Is there a way to ensure that other agendas are not prioritized over our energy needs?

On its face, this bill appears to add protection for Missourians, but these questions are worth answering. If there is any possible room for interpretation, shouldn’t it be made clear that both nameplate capacity and dispatchability must be taken into account?

Show-Me Energy: Decommissioning Power Plants Part 1

As the legislative session hums along, one bill worth paying attention to is Senate Bill (SB) 757, which would bring protection for Missouri citizens’ energy needs. SB 757 would mandate that prior to closing an electricity-generating power plant, there needs to be a new power plant ready to replace it with equal or greater nameplate capacity (see discussion below). The goal of this bill is to ensure that Missouri’s energy grid is not compromised during a future energy transition.

In light of Ameren’s recent declaration that all coal plants will be decommissioned by 2045, this bill seems to add a level of accountability and protection, and could help prevent officials from undertaking actions that would compromise the energy needs of Missourians.

To make an energy grid truly reliable; we need both sufficient capacity and dispatchability.

Prior to examining SB 757, let me explain what these terms actually mean. I will examine the provisions of the bill in my next post.

First, what is nameplate capacity?

In simple terms, nameplate capacity is the amount of energy a power plant can produce if it is operating at 100 percent power all the time. So, if a coal plant is “rated” at a nameplate capacity of 1,000 megawatts (mw), that means 1,000 mw is the maximum the plant could produce—but that is not what it actually generates.

If the nameplate capacity isn’t what the plant generates, how much electricity do plants actually generate?

That answer depends on the type of energy source, the weather, the time of year, and the strategies used to generate energy. I wrote an earlier piece on all the types of energy sources in the United States that you can read here.

Another key variable that determines how much electricity is actually generated is something called “capacity factor.”

Capacity factor, in simple terms, is the percentage of time that a power plant is operating at maximum power (its nameplate capacity).

The capacity factor is not the same among different energy sources. For example, nuclear power plants operated at maximum power 92.7% of the time in 2021—meaning nuclear power had a capacity factor of 92.7%. Coal plants had a capacity factor of 49.3% in 2021, natural gas was 54.4%, wind was 34.6%, and solar photovoltaic (solar panels) was at 24.6%.

Let’s say five different types of plants have a nameplate capacity of 1,000 mw (enough to power around 565,000 homes). Here’s how the capacity factor would affect rates of electricity generation:

Now that we better understand capacity, what is dispatchability?

Dispatchability is essentially an energy source’s ability to be “dispatched” to the grid’s consumers whenever they need it. Energy is neither created nor destroyed, meaning that when we “use” energy, that energy has to be coming from somewhere.

There are a few main “baseload resources” that have ample dispatchability: nuclear, coal, hydroelectric, and natural gas. On the other hand, intermittent resources such as solar and wind have times of day and certain weather conditions where they lack production, meaning they have less dispatchability.

How does dispatchability come into play in decommissioning power plants?

The reason we produce energy is to power things society needs and wants—and we are living in a world where we want and need electricity 24/7. In an internet-driven society, we want to stream movies at night, meet on Zoom for work meetings, play video games, mine bitcoins, or potentially even have a “metaverse.” The growing number of data centers that power these activities devour large swaths of energy, and they have to be operating constantly. If electric vehicles become more popular, we will have millions and millions of individuals using an immense amount of energy overnight to charge them.

This is where some of the dilemma lies. The energy demand market is trending towards 24/7 energy, while many proposed replacement plants are intermittent and don’t produce energy at night, when it is cloudy, or when there is no wind.

Here is a table taken from the Midcontinent Independent System Operator (MISO), which shows the dispatchability of solar and wind and where loss of load occurs. The numbers 1–24 on the x-axis represent the hours of the day, and the y-axis represents the months of the year.

The top “loss of load” graph shows the times where both renewables struggle to be dispatchable when paired together. Some states like California have experienced this dispatchability problem and have tried to mitigate it with the vast expansion of battery infrastructure. This is a fine enough idea and does help with improving reliability. However, there is no realistic path to mass expansion for the needed battery infrastructure to maintain reliability if renewables continue to be scaled. The battery technology also still has problems that need to be ironed out. We should not bet our energy future on battery technology given all the existing issues.

That bet would be too risky, as it could potentially lead to utilities or the government dictating when individuals and businesses may use electricity— such electricity rationing.

In order to achieve dispatchability and maintain reliability, the replacements for coal cannot just be renewables—we need nuclear and other baseload energy sources. Even if you believe that renewables should be the primary energy source, there should be a highly dispatchable and reliable source backing them up.

Now that we understand the two legs that grid reliability needs to stand on, we can turn back to SB 757 in my next blog post.

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