Paging David Ricardo

A few weeks ago, I testified at the Missouri Tax Credit Review Commission’s meeting in Columbia. I’d like to highlight one specific point from this speech.

One particular member of the commission (I do not remember which one) attacked a previous speaker who had recommended that all tax credits be abolished. The commission member suggested that since every other state uses tax credits, Missouri’s exit from the business of providing tax credits would put us at such a disadvantage that could result in Missouri no longer producing anything. There are many possible responses to this complaint that tax credit opponents can employ; for brevity, I will note just one.

Comparative Advantage:

Consider two states: Missouri and California. Suppose that these two states have firms that can produce two goods: wine and computers. Now, suppose that firms in Missouri can produce six bottles of wine or three computers per hour, whereas firms in California can produce 12 bottles of wine and four computers per hour. In this case, California firms have a higher productivity and we would say that California has an absolute advantage in the production of both wine and computers. This does not, however, imply that California will, or should, produce both goods.

One of the key insights from introductory economics courses is that comparative advantage matters. Instead of evaluating productivity in terms of outputs, we can evaluate productivity in terms of opportunity cost. Note that, in this example, when a Missouri firm produces one bottle of wine, it misses an opportunity to produce half of a computer. Similarly, when a Missouri firm produces one computer, it misses an opportunity to produce two bottles of wine. We can think of these missed opportunities as costs. For California firms, the cost of producing one bottle of wine is a third of a computer, and the cost of producing one computer is three bottles of wine. So, our example shows that even when California has an absolute advantage in the production of both goods, Missouri still retains a comparative advantage in the production of computers because its opportunity cost (two bottles of wine) is lower than the opportunity cost for California firms (three bottles of wine). Thus, in this limited illustration, it would be more efficient for Missouri to produce computers and trade with California for wine.

We can apply this insight to tax credits. Suppose that California aggressively courts winemakers and computer manufacturers with tax incentives and Missouri does not. One way to think about these incentives is that they work to lower the marginal costs that firms face, which allows a firm to produce more. This makes it appear as though California firms are more productive in translating inputs (in dollars) into outputs (in product volume). As our example illustrates, even if these apparent increases in productivity give Californian firms an absolute advantage in the production of certain goods, it is likely that Missouri will still retain comparative advantage and will continue to produce many of the goods that California chooses to subsidize.

Shooting at a Seat-Belt Checkpoint … I Repeat, a Seat-Belt Checkpoint

It’s over. The nanny state is through the looking glass in St. Louis County. To take a cue from Neil Young:

Politicians and policemen coming. The nanny state has its official new dawn. This August I saw the traffic stops. Seat-belt checkpoints in Pine Lawn.

Gotta just face and accept it. Red-light tickets being sent in the mail. Should have used cameras long ago.

Speed cameras placed on the Inner Belt. Seat-belt traffic stops in the towns. You’re under surveillance, didn’t you know?

In most of Missouri, the police are not authorized to use a seat-belt violation as the primary reason for pulling you over. The Missouri Department of Transportation (MoDOT), should stick to doing what they do well — and it does a number of things well. That doesn’t include using tax dollars as part of an argument to limit our freedom. However, St. Louis County has had the audacity wisdom to enact its own primary seat-belt law, along with bike helmet laws and any other excuse they can find to protect us from ourselves.

So, that is the state of liberty in St. Louis County. We can get stuck in a seat-belt checkpoint any time the police in some tiny municipality feel the need.

(Just to be clear, attempting to run over a policeman is not an appropriate form of civil disobedience, and the shooting itself appears to be entirely justified.)

Graphic in the St. Louis Business Journal Raises More Questions

In a St. Louis Business Journal editorial, the chief operating officer of a development company praises low-income housing tax credits and historic preservation tax credits. It reminds me of an editorial that ran in the Post-Dispatch last June, in which an architect argued in support of historic preservation tax credits, and which I discussed on Show-Me Daily.

The following passage from Economics In One Lesson, by Henry Hazlitt, seems particularly relevant:

The group that would benefit by such policies, having such a direct interest in them, will argue for them plausibly and persistently. It will hire the best buy-able minds to devote their whole time to presenting its case. And it will finally either convince the general public that its case is sound, or so befuddle it that clear thinking on the subject becomes next to impossible.

The editorial includes the following pie chart:

Source: St. Louis Business Journal
Source: St. Louis Business Journal

According to the explanation in the text:

The chart above shows where the money went in the $34 million Crown Village Redevelopment project using LIHTC and historic preservation tax credits.

The chart raises more questions than it provides answers. Does it indicate the actual amount or the projected amount of economic activity resulting from the specified project? Does it include direct expenditure by the state, or does it account for an economic multiplier? (And, if so, at what assumed rate?) How is it similar to or different from the breakdown of other projects, and of other tax credit programs? What was the duration of the project? Where did these jobs go when the project was completed and the subsidy ended?

Furthermore, were the workers in question unemployed before they were hired to work on the Crown Village Redevelopment project? If not, then the subsidy displaces economic activity that already existed in the private sector. If so, then the subsidy is another form of unemployment. Economist Russ Roberts discussed this in a recent post on Cafe Hayek:

Having them do nothing–either because the task is unproductive or because you simply give them a check with no strings attached–does not in and of itself create prosperity for anyone other than the people who get the check.

I have argued repeatedly that targeted development tax credits are a poor strategy for economic development, and that they have negative consequences in Missouri. For evidence, I encourage our readers to read an editorial, which recently ran in the St. Louis Beacon, in which I argued that targeted tax credit programs create an uneven playing field in Missouri.

Blighting and Taking Private Property Not the Right Fix for Vacancies

The Kansas City Star’s editorial board wrote recently that the city should deal with vacant houses and buildings more aggressively, by putting vacant properties that are deemed a nuisance into new hands (“To protect neighborhoods, KC must enforce law on vacant properties,” Sept. 22). By turning to such extreme measures, the city runs the risk of implementing a policy that will push people out of their homes or deprive them of their property so that others of the government’s choosing can take over. In Montgomery, Ala., a city with a similar policy, property owners found their homes bulldozed. In one instance, a construction site was razed.

The Kansas City ordinance in question is designed to deal with a large number of vacant properties in the city, and it leaves a great deal of discretion in the hands of city’s Neighborhood and Community Services Department. Under this law, the department is responsible for recommending properties to take over, and can even suggest a new city-appointed caretaker. The department effectively has the power to take property from one person and give it to someone else.

Awarding this power to the department will enable special interests to mold the process in their favor. The law could be manipulated in a number of ways, starting with the definition of vacancy. This “vacant” property law specifically notes, for example, that apartment buildings with five or more units can be considered vacant if a majority of the units are unoccupied — meaning that a building may be deemed vacant despite having residents. This strange definition of vacancy means that apartment residents can be caught up in the process and find themselves without a home.

Furthermore, the structure of the ordinance lends itself to selective enforcement. It is inconceivable that the department has the time to file the necessary paperwork to transfer ownership of all vacant properties in Kansas City. Instead, it is likely that the department will start to enforce this ordinance against properties that are particularly desirable to well-connected developers. Despite the requirement that the city notify property owners at least 60 days before beginning the taking process, property owners may not receive notice of the impending confiscation — a common oversight in Montgomery.

Finally, it’s not guaranteed that that the city will be successful in transferring property to owners that are more responsible. The ordinance only guarantees that someone will attempt to match properties with “better” owners. No person is so omniscient that she can predict accurately who will be a better, more successful property owner. Similar attempts to predict future success have resulted in both a vacant property logjam and unused luxury office space in the city of Saint Louis.

There are good ways to fight vacancy. Taking on additional power to seize land from private owners isn’t one of them.

Audrey Spalding is the public information specialist for the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank.

 

Diminishing Returns

Apropos of my post about income taxes last Friday, two columns that ran over the weekend dramatically illustrate the downsides of income taxation. First, financial analyst Bill Bonner writing in the Christian Science Monitor explains that millionaires in Maryland are fleeing the state to avoid its 6.25-percent income tax — Missouri’s income tax is barely lower, at 6 percent — causing tax receipts to fall. Bonner attributes this paragraph (perhaps mistakenly) to the Wall Street Journal:

However, there were two things that Maryland politicians didn’t count on (1) a world-wide economic crisis decreasing the number of million dollar earners and (2) millionaires simply leaving (or taking in less income). “By April 2009, one-third of the millionaires have disappeared from Maryland tax rolls. On those missing returns, the government collects 6.25% of nothing. Instead of the state coffers gaining the extra $106 million the politicians predicted, millionaires paid $100 million less in taxes than they did last year – even at higher rates.

Harvard economist and New York Times columnist Greg Mankiw elucidates the micro-level choices that lead high income earners to avoid income taxes or reduce their incomes:

Suppose that some editor offered me $1,000 to write an article. If there were no taxes of any kind, this $1,000 of income would translate into $1,000 in extra saving. If I invested it in the stock of a company that earned, say, 8 percent a year on its capital, then 30 years from now, when I pass on, my children would inherit about $10,000. That is simply the miracle of compounding.

Now let’s put taxes into the calculus. First, assuming that the Bush tax cuts expire, I would pay 39.6 percent in federal income taxes on that extra income. Beyond that, the phaseout of deductions adds 1.2 percentage points to my effective marginal tax rate. I also pay Medicare tax, which the recent health care bill is raising to 3.8 percent, starting in 2013. And in Massachusetts, I pay 5.3 percent in state income taxes, part of which I get back as a federal deduction. Putting all those taxes together, that $1,000 of pretax income becomes only $523 of saving.

And that saving no longer earns 8 percent. First, the corporation in which I have invested pays a 35 percent corporate tax on its earnings. So I get only 5.2 percent in dividends and capital gains. Then, on that income, I pay taxes at the federal and state level. As a result, I earn about 4 percent after taxes, and the $523 in saving grows to $1,700 after 30 years.

Then, when my children inherit the money, the estate tax will kick in. The marginal estate tax rate is scheduled to go as high as 55 percent next year, but Congress may reduce it a bit. Most likely, when that $1,700 enters my estate, my kids will get, at most, $1,000 of it.

HERE’S the bottom line: Without any taxes, accepting that editor’s assignment would have yielded my children an extra $10,000. With taxes, it yields only $1,000. In effect, once the entire tax system is taken into account, my family’s marginal tax rate is about 90 percent. Is it any wonder that I turn down most of the money-making opportunities I am offered?

The worst effect of income taxes is probably not actually on the people who pay them. They have the option of consuming more leisure instead of working more and still living very comfortably. The biggest loss is the wealth that is never created because of the system’s disincentives, which hurts consumers across the board.

More Evidence Against State Income Taxes

On Tuesday, the Wall Street Journal ran an editorial by economist Art Laffer about the negative impact of state income taxes, and the statistics he cites are worth repeating:

In the past decade, the nine states with the highest personal income tax rates have seen gross state product increase by 59.8%, personal income grow by 51%, and population increase by 6.1%. The nine states with no personal income tax have seen gross state product increase by 86.3%, personal income grow by 64.1%, and population increase by 15.5%.
[…]
Over the past 50 years, 11 states have introduced state income taxes exactly as Messrs. Gates and their allies are proposing—and the consequences have been devastating.

[artlaffer]

The 11 states where income taxes were adopted over the past 50 years are: Connecticut (1991), New Jersey (1976), Ohio (1971), Rhode Island (1971), Pennsylvania (1971), Maine (1969), Illinois (1969), Nebraska (1967), Michigan (1967), Indiana (1963) and West Virginia (1961).

Each and every state that introduced an income tax saw its share of total U.S. output decline. Some of the states, like Michigan, Pennsylvania and Ohio, have become fiscal basket cases. As the nearby chart shows, even West Virginia, which was poor to begin with, got relatively poorer after adopting a state income tax.

These findings support the conclusions of a number of Show-Me Institute publications. In March, we published a policy study showing that taxes have a negative impact on economic activity. I used that data to write an op-ed. Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joe Haslag and intern Abhi Sivasailam wrote last fall about the relative benefits of a sales tax versus an income tax. Finally, policy analysts Dave and Jenifer Roland compared the economic growth of Missouri to Tennessee, and found Missouri falling behind Tennessee, possibly because of Tennessee’s lack of an income tax.

Where Did That Money Go, Again?

Show-Me Living is one of the Show-Me Institute’s best resources for accessing public information about Missouri government expenditures. Questions about tax credits and tax dollars often have answers on Show-Me Living.

Yesterday, I stumbled across a Sept. 30, 2010, article in the St. Louis Business Journal that prompted me to do a little research using the Show-Me Living web tools. The story, “Chemical Building owner files for Chapter 11,” reports: “Chemical Building Acquisition LLC, an investor group based near Los Angeles, sought Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in U.S. Bankruptcy Court Eastern District of Missouri, delaying planned redevelopment of the historic building at 777 Olive St.”

Curious, didn’t “Chemical Building Acquisition LLC” receive more than $1 million in Brownfield Tax Credits in 2007? Thanks to Show-Me Living, I can say definitively that the answer is yes.

Consistent with recent Missouri audits showing the failure of tax credit subsidies to serve their intended purposes, the $1,065,000 spent on the Chemical Building to date appears to be a waste of taxpayer funds. After all, consider the following eligibility criterion for the Brownfield Redevelopment Program:

The project must be projected by DED to result in the creation of at least ten new jobs or the retention of 25 jobs by a private commercial operation.

If you have a question about how to find this information, Show-Me Living is a great place to start finding the answers.

Kansas City Considers Private Involvement in Infrastructure Management

As I understand it, at their regular meeting tomorrow, Kansas City’s City Council will be deciding on whether or not to proceed with a resolution authorizing the city manager to conduct a study of potential opportunities to contract with private agencies, companies, etc., to manage city infrastructure assets. Needless to say, I think this is an excellent opportunity for the taxpayers and residents of Kansas City. I think that Mayor Mark Funkhouser and the council deserve a great deal of credit for considering this step.

The Kansas City Star is hosting an op-ed I wrote about the benefits of this approach. If you live or work in Kansas City, I encourage you to check it out. You can also see our version of the op-ed, along with other related writings on the issue.

Ben Franklin Would Have Let the House Burn Down, Too

Yesterday, in a rural part of northwestern Tennessee (fairly close to Missouri), a fire department refused to put out the fire for a house that had not paid its annual fire bill. Firefighters arrived at the scene and just let the house burn until it began to threaten the neighbor’s house — who had paid the bill — at which point they sprung into action. This has been getting a great deal of attention in the media and blogosphere; I first saw the story on Channel 4 last night.

I was curious whether the fire department in this case was a private company (many areas in Tennessee make use of privatized fire departments). However, as best I can determine from the city’s website, it is a standard municipal fire department, rather than a private contractor. But should they have put out the fire anyway, and just sent the family a bill afterward?

The easy answer is “yes,” but that is simple to say when you are not the one responsible for putting out the fire. Firefighting is an inherently dangerous act, and expecting someone else to put out a fire for people who have not fulfilled their end of a contract is rather presumptuous. It is important to note that the particular fire in question did not occur within the city limits of the responding fire department. Although they don’t have to do so, the department agrees to serve people outside the city limits who pay an annual bill.

Ben Franklin would not have put the fire out. When I visited Philly in 2000 for a certain convention, I took the city’s historic tour. I remember the guide talking about how the fire department / insurance company (which Franklin founded) would not put out your fire if they arrived at your house and saw that you had not paid the bill that year.

I think Daniel Hamermesh at the Freakonomics blog makes a good point about the differences between rural and urban areas. In a rural area, you may be able to distinguish between houses that are far apart. In an urban area, the threat of the fire rapidly expanding to other homes is too great, so a more efficient way to manage risk is to charge for the service via taxes to make sure that everyone receives proper fire service. I can agree with that, but I see nothing wrong with the way that the department in Tennessee acted.

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