Is Bulldozing a Way to Prosperity?

Demolition in Cleveland. Photo by Mhari Saito for NPR
Demolition in Cleveland. Photo by Mhari Saito for NPR

National Public Radio ran a segment today on a Cleveland-area land bank. According to reporter Mhari Saito, the Cuyahoga Land Bank (CLB) is scheduled to demolish about 700 properties this year.

The situation in Cleveland looks like this: A family goes into mortgage foreclosure. The lender takes the home, but is unable to sell it, given the depressed economy. It costs money for the lender to maintain the home while it sits vacant. And, if lenders don’t maintain their properties, they can face large code violation fines.

Looking for a solution, the CLB has made an offer to lenders: Pay to demolish the house, and the land bank will take the property from you. Seems like a win-win solution, right? In fact, Saito characterizes it as such. From her report:

Lenders pay $3,500 to $7,500 per house. Wells Fargo’s Russ Cross says it’s a sensible and responsible business plan.

“We want to make loans on an ongoing basis, and to do so, we need stable to rising home values,” he says. “We’ve got to do whatever we can to protect home values in neighborhoods.”

Given the policy catastrophes we’ve seen at the Saint Louis land bank and  the burgeoning land bank growth across the U.S., the policy of running bulldozers over hundreds of properties each year needs to be considered seriously.

Let’s talk about the need to “protect home values.” While existing homeowners might want to keep their home values at artificially high prices, the fact of the matter is, home values have fallen. Attempting to boost home values by destroying existing home supply is no solution. In fact, consider who is hurt by this solution: Low income individuals, first-time home buyers, and people who want to take a risk on an old property at a low price.

An op-ed in the New York Times illustrates the value of super cheap home prices perfectly.

A couple (he an artist and her an architect) purchased a home in East Detroit for $1,900. The home was stripped of wiring and run down, but the couple saw that home as an opportunity to install green appliances and solar-powered utilities. They then purchased two other lots, installed a garden, sold a home to another artist couple at a $50 profit, and then called their friends (those who had bought the $100 home) to encourage them to move into the neighborhood.

Had Detroit bulldozed those properties, as the CLB is doing now, such innovation within existing structures would have been prevented.

I suppose the relevant question to ask is whether it is good public policy to prop up home prices by destroying the supply of very cheap homes and increasing the amount of land owned by government. Land banks throughout the United States (and NPR reporters) should take a closer look at the Saint Louis land bank. After all, the land bank here has existed for 40 years, and the situation has only gotten worse.

Lambert Director Misrepresents Missouri’s ‘Aerotropolis’ Bill

Editor’s Note: This article first appeared in Air Cargo News June 21, 2011.

 

We’d like to thank Air Cargo News for the opportunity to comment on the substance of Missouri’s proposed “Aerotropolis” legislation, first critiqued in these pages by air cargo expert Michael Webber and since muddled by a response from the director of Lambert–St. Louis International Airport, Rhonda Hamm-Niebruegge.

If the director of the airport did indeed help introduce the bill that has gone before the Missouri legislature, as she asserted, there are serious questions she needs to answer. Contrary to her implication, the Aerotropolis legislation’s original price tag was not $360 million, but $480 million, which included tax credits for the payment of $120 million in interest costs for the building of warehouses.

For somebody who seemed particularly interested in Webber’s rhetorical precision, Hamm-Niebruegge’s obscuration of the original cost of the bill as she introduced it is revealing. She should have been more forthright about the details of her bill.

To her credit, Hamm-Niebruegge admits that warehouses would be fully eligible for $300 million in tax credits, in support of a projected maximum of eight flights per week — a meager result for such a large amount of taxpayer money.

More importantly, though, Hamm-Niebruegge has failed to explain why the legislation specifies that Missouri would restrict the $300 million in Aerotropolis warehouse subsidies solely to new warehouses located on 100 contiguous acres, in urban redevelopment areas, within the boundaries of the airport, or in areas managed by a port authority. Those strange provisions demand an explanation. Hamm-Niebruegge says that she helped introduce the legislation (original price tag: $480 million); she had the opportunity to explain these preferential carve-outs here, but declined to take it.

We doubt that there is a practical explanation. The 100-acre stipulation and other requirements serve only to limit the individuals that could have access to the tax credits, and it is disheartening that the executive director of an airport would be concerned with making sure that only a few politically powerful individuals and businesses would be eligible for hundreds of millions in state tax money.

Hamm-Niebruegge says that the proposed bill’s provisions “require that investment or export activity take place before the application for tax credits.” This is incomplete. A close reading of the legislation reveals that owners of these newly built warehouses who use two modes of commerce — perhaps road and rail transportation — could qualify for the Aerotropolis tax credits. Owners of the comparable refrigerated warehouses would qualify in this way, as well. There is no requirement in the legislation that those warehouses store any amount of international cargo. Is the purpose of the Aerotropolis tax credit legislation to encourage international trade, or is its purpose to subsidize warehouse construction?

Hamm-Niebruegge optimistically writes that the $300 million in warehouse tax credits could result in millions of square feet of new warehouse space, yet she does not mention the approximately 18 million square feet in developed warehouse space already vacant in the Saint Louis area. Why does the state need to subsidize the construction of more warehouse space if, as market research from CB Richard Ellis has shown, a great deal of space is already available? Again, we are disheartened by the possibility that public officials are in such a rush to subsidize the owners of vacant land that they fail to consider the considerable existing supply of warehouse space.

Proponents of the Aerotropolis subsidies, including Hamm-Niebruegge, point to an eight-page study commissioned by the St. Louis Regional Chamber and Growth Association (RCGA) purporting to show that the $300 million in warehouse construction tax credits would result in economic activity worth billions. We were disappointed, but hardly surprised, that the RCGA study failed to consider the cost of taking $300 million from all Missourians in order to award it to a favored few. Aerotropolis proponents fail to understand that tax credits are not free money. Every dollar that is given away in tax credits is a dollar that the state government must replace with cuts in current programs, or — more likely — through increased taxation.

Let us be clear: The Aerotropolis dream of attracting international trade to a region is by no means a poor one. In fact, increasing trade among countries is one of the best ways to improve economic welfare. However, we are concerned that the dream is being used as an excuse for public subsidy.

If the Aerotropolis dream is viable, as Hamm-Niebruegge states, where are the private investors clamoring to make a substantial positive return? The absence of such investor interest without heavy subsidy reveals that the “big idea” pushed by Hamm-Niebruegge, other public officials, and industry lobbyists is in trouble — with or without this extraordinarily problematic legislation that the director helped introduce.

Patrick Ishmael and Audrey Spalding are policy analysts at the Show-Me Institute, an independent think tank promoting free-market solutions for Missouri public policy.

An Open Response to St. Louis Magazine Co-Owner Ray Hartmann

Yesterday, St. Louis Magazine co-founder Ray Hartmann wrote about how the Show-Me Institute has been raising questions regarding a proposal to create $360 million in tax credits which would primarily go toward subsidizing warehouse and facility construction in the Saint Louis area. It appears that Hartmann was troubled by Crosby Kemper, Show-Me Institute board member and head of the Kansas City Public Library, authoring an op-ed about why creating hundreds of millions in tax credits is irresponsible.

As the policy analyst leading the Show-Me Institute’s research of the Aerotropolis proposal, I would like to respond to Hartmann’s allegations.

I have never worked on a Republican campaign, in any way, for pay or otherwise. Nor have I worked on a Democratic campaign, in any way, for pay or otherwise. But, in case Hartmann is curious, I have made informational presentations to both Democrats and Republicans who are concerned about the Aerotropolis tax credits.

In fact, this issue is very bipartisan. For example, Rep. Jill Schupp, D-Creve Coer, has voiced concerns about the tax credits, and said that she is working with a group of more than a dozen other democrats on ways to change the bill. On the other side of the aisle, Sen. Jason Crowell, R-Cape Girardeau, has written scathing missives about the tax credits.

As a staff member at the Show-Me Institute, I am thrilled that one of our founders chose to publish an op-ed calling out Republicans who say that they are for fiscal responsibility, but then work to create handouts for a small group of developers and warehouse owners in the St. Louis area. Accountability is needed in state politics, and for members of both political parties.

Hartmann searched the Show-Me Institute website for “tea party” and found three references. I am not sure, but from his writing it seems that Hartmann was looking to find a relationship between the Show-Me Institute and a political party. A search of the St. Louis Magazine website results in many more references to the tea party, but any attempt to tie that finding to a relationship between the magazine and the tea party would be similarly as absurd.

Hartmann also seemed intent on denigrating Rex Sinquefield, co-founder of the Show-Me Institute. For the record, the Show-Me Institute has hundreds of donors. We are more than a single board member or co-founder. Staff members choose what public policies to take on, and what projects to pursue. That all being said, I don’t understand how Hartmann could take offense at an active-minded citizen advocating for more effective government. What exactly is wrong with that?

Finally, I would like to extend an offer to Hartmann: I am happy to meet him at any time to provide an information briefing about the Aerotropolis legislation. The Aerotropolis tax credits — from an economics and corporate welfare perspective — are clearly problematic. Hartmann himself, in an earlier column, wrote that he too has misgivings about the Aerotropolis proposal. The only reason he supports these credits is:

Aerotropolis backers claim that the way the state program is structured, not a dime of Missouri tax credits will be given out on the come. Tax credits will only flow after the Chinese planes start landing, and the revenues (and presumably jobs) actually arrive.

This statement is demonstrably false. Under the legislation, tax credits could be awarded if no increased international trade occurs, and in fact could go toward subsidizing business as usual. Proponents have not fixed this loophole, and have not responded to this point.

Considering the facts, perhaps Hartmann might find himself agreeing with the Show-Me Institute.

What’s Wrong with Aerotropolis: What’s the $300 Million for?

If two warehouses would satisfy the projected demand for exports, what’s the $300 million in tax credits for? In this video, Show-Me Institute Policy Analyst Audrey Spalding discusses recently released documents from the Midwest China Hub Commission which contain expert findings suggesting that existing warehouse space around Lambert Airport would satisfy increased international air cargo demand.

 

According to China Hub Reports, Warehouse Space is Sufficient

We’ve been working for a while to get studies, draft studies, or reports from the Midwest China Hub Commission that might be able to show that $300 million in warehouse and facility construction subsidies  is warranted. After all, third party market research shows that there is a great deal of vacant, developed warehouse space available already.

So, when we received a bundle of studies, draft studies, and progress reports this week from the Midwest China Hub Commission, the first thing I looked for were documents showing that warehouse space was needed.

But those documents show something entirely different.

According to reports commissioned by the China Hub Commission:

[Existing warehouse space] provides a short, medium and long-term solution for warehousing and ground handling needs in respect to this project.

And:

[Runways, ground handling, and warehouse space are] sufficient to manage and handle wide body air cargo flights from China. A recent on-site visit by a major international logistics firm has provided validation.

In fact, a study commissioned by the St. Louis Regional Chamber & Growth Association (RCGA) estimated that 45 million kilograms of cargo could be shipped to international destinations. Incidentally, that is almost exactly the amount of cargo that could be handled by existing facilities, according to the Midwest China Hub Commission reports.

And yet, as legislators were debating creating $300 million in tax credits to subsidize warehouse or facility construction, the RCGA pushed to publish a report purporting to show that $300 million in construction tax credits would result in more than 27 million square feet of warehouse space being construction, and that 20,000 jobs would be needed to construct and operate that space.

To add insult to injury, KMOV recently reported that the RCGA receives a great deal of taxpayer money, and doesn’t keep track of it very well.

What floors me is that given previous studies commissioned by proponents — including the RCGA itself — that 27 million square feet RCGA estimate is nonsense. And so are the related jobs estimates.

All of this leaves me wondering, what is that $300 million actually for?

After all, based on warehouse space analysis commissioned by China Hub proponents, $300 million for construction subsidies is likely $300 million too much.


Aerotropolis: Aerostrata “Six (6) Month Progress Report,” July 2010

Queued to Page 7, key portion highlighted:

 

Quote:

Major Findings

Lambert-St. Louis International Airport major infrastructure components:

  • Runways
  • Ground handling
  • Warehouse

All sufficient to manage and handle wide body air cargo flights from China. A recent on-site visit by a major international logistics firm has provided validation.

Referenced here and here.

Aerotropolis: The End of the Beginning

Yesterday we received a firm date for the legislative special session that will include the proposed Aerotropolis tax credits — September 6. This move surprised basically no one, and Audrey and I have been preparing our share of revelatory facts for just this occasion. But, let’s recap what we’ve published so far:

  1. Neither an airplane nor exported products are required to get “Aerotropolis” tax credits. Proponents continue to suggest otherwise. They are incorrect. What sort of an “international air cargo hub” could subsidize warehouses that neither produce nor house a product for export, nor would ship a product by air?
  2. The Mayor of Saint Louis and other county executives are empowered to choose who does and doesn’t get tax credits. The legislation creates a system where elected representatives get to choose who wins and loses with the public’s money. The latest language included in this section of the legislation does not fix the problem.
  3. American beef is banned by China. Supporters have repeatedly tried to convince cattlemen and their representatives that American beef is on China’s import menu. It is not.
  4. The executive of the biggest beef exporter in the United States doesn’t think the China Hub will work for beef or pork. We found this out looking through the China Hub’s own documents. Which brings us to
  5. Where’s the beef study we were all promised? And
  6. Where’s the feasibility study? We found the preliminary report. How mainstream media outlets didn’t get their hands on it is anybody’s guess. More on this shortly.
  7. The legislation’s “new building” requirement doesn’t actually require that a “new building” be built. Members of the building trades should know that just because the authors of the bill are promising lots of work, that doesn’t mean that the language of the bill actually requires it. And finally,
  8. The China Hub’s own documents say that for Aerotropolis to be successful, it would require “volcanic demand.” One Chinese airline will create that demand? Seriously? See Point 6.

More soon. Stay tuned.

Visiting the Friendly Confines of Wrigley Field

There is no ballpark quite like Wrigley Field. Although I am a diehard Cardinals fan who passionately despises the Chicago Cubs, I can appreciate a truly great and historic ballpark when I see it.

Last weekend, I traveled to Chicago to see some college friends and visit Wrigley for the first time. I thought about driving, but that would have set me back about $100 in gas. I thought about flying, but airfare to Chicago was running above $250. I thought about Amtrak, but that would have set me back about $60 roundtrip.

Instead, I took Megabus to and from Chicago for a total of $21 roundtrip. That cost you, the taxpayer, next to nothing because private commercial buses receive an average federal subsidy of $0.10 per passenger per trip. Amtrak, on the other hand, receives an average federal subsidy of $57.04 per passenger per trip.

I personally don’t think subsidies are necessary and would willingly pay an extra 10 cents for my bus fare if federal subsidies were discontinued. Compared to Amtrak subsidies, however, the cost to taxpayers is negligible.

Through federal subsidies, intercity buses are partly exempt from the federal diesel fuel tax, paying 7.4 cents per gallon instead of 24.3 cents. Assuming that the bus got 4 miles to the gallon on the 300 mile trip to Chicago, Megabus would have paid $18.23 in tax to the federal government, but because of the subsidy, the company only paid $5.55. The company still paid the full state tax on fuel.

Commercial buses are a great example of the private sector stepping in to satisfy a demand that benefits consumers with a negligible burden on taxpayers.

I had an excellent trip because of Megabus. But next time I go to Wrigley, I better not see that silly white flag.

Saint Louis City Occupancy Permits (July 1-August 16, 2011)

 

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