Absent In Dellwood

It is fine if certain members of the Dellwood Board of Aldermen do not want to have the Show-Me Institute write an op-ed praising the city, but they are going to some rather extreme lengths to avoid it.

Several members of the Dellwood Board of Aldermen have intentionally skipped board meetings over the last few months in order to deny a quorum. If the board had a quorum, it would almost certainly vote to disband the Dellwood Police Department and contract out police services to the St. Louis County Police Department. Smaller cities contracting with larger entities to perform certain services is one of the best examples I can give to improve efficiency while maintaining a large degree of municipal independence. I view it as a win-win situation for the people of Dellwood. Apparently, half of the board views it as a threat to speeding ticket revenues, so they are going to an extreme, undemocratic tactic to prevent a measure that will save money and improve public safety at the same time. The absent members of the Dellwood Board of Aldermen are harming their citizens, and behaving embarrassingly while they are at it.

Generally speaking, the county police provide better overall services than very small municipal departments. (But, yes, there are some dedicated, talented officers within small departments.) Just as important, it costs cities less to contract with the county than to operate their own department. If you want to read more about why contracts like this are a good idea, check out this op-ed I wrote when Jennings did it last year.

Musings On Payday Loans And Pawn Shops In Jackson County

Jackson County is considering forcing new pawnbrokers and short-term loan shops in unincorporated areas to locate at least 2,500 feet from each other. That is almost half a mile, and is rather considerable. Just imagine if gas stations were forced to locate half a mile from each other. Can anyone say “higher prices at the pump”? Who knows what will happen to these businesses and their customers if the legislation passes.

And why 2,500 feet? Who came up with that number? This article sites the possibility of crime and lower property values around clusters of these businesses, but half a mile seems a little excessive. I would hardly call it a cluster if the businesses located just one block from each other, but even one block is an arbitrary number.

As you may recall from the mantra “location, location, location,” the location of a business can drastically affect profitability. The proposed legislation may make it impossible for more than one loan shop to take advantage of a good location. Since when is that reasonable? Businesses locate in a particular area for a reason – and unfortunately for the affected businesses, the reason they locate to a particular area may be the county’s legislation dictating the available options.

Additionally, why is the government singling out pawnbrokers and short-term loan shops? What next? The proximity of ATMs? When will the regulations stop?

For more Show-Me Institute payday loan material, check out this and this, as well as this awesome video.

Helping Business Help Us

There has been a lot of political talk about fairness lately, with the notion that businesses and consumers are often on opposite sides.  Really?  There are steps Missouri lawmakers can take that would be fair and beneficial to both, and maybe a boost to the faltering state economy.

In its effort to change the business climate in Missouri, the Missouri Chamber of Commerce and Industry has identified three broad policy initiatives for the current legislative session. According to Chamber president Daniel Mehan:

“Among the list are issues left unresolved last legislative session that will be advocatied (sic) by Missouri’s top business associations and employers: workers’ compensation reform, employment law, and tort reform,” Mehan says.

Within the context of these broader policy initiatives, the following topics are among the most important issues the Chamber addressed. As briefly discussed below, each deserves careful consideration as a reform measure that can foster economic growth in Missouri.

  1. Making Missouri employment discrimination law consistent with federal law. Businesses face confusing and parallel obligations under federal and state laws. Making Missouri law consistent with federal law reduces confusion and lowers compliance costs for businesses, which in turn lowers the cost of doing business in Missouri. Consumers and businesses then share the benefits of lower costs.
  2. Capping damages in employment discrimination cases. Caps make future business costs more certain and predictable. Although the plaintiffs’ bar does not favor this idea, no one is closing the doors to the courthouse. Policymakers should carefully weigh the benefits and costs and make the decision that best advances business competitiveness and the administration of justice.
  3. Exempting co-employees from liability for injuries sustained in workers’ compensation cases. Currently, employees injured by co-employees at work may sue the latter for damages outside the workers’ compensation system. This gives rise to costly disputes among employees, disruptions in the workplace, and an increase in employer costs (not always monetary). Also, multiple lawsuits for the same injury may occur as the injured employee sues both his employer in workers’ comp and his co-employee in circuit court. Time, money, and effort may be economized by requiring injured employees to maintain a single suit in a workers’ comp venue.

Again, these are but a sample of current issues impacting the business climate in Missouri. These issues are important in that each imposes additional costs on businesses in Missouri. As a result, consumers and households may suffer because they will face higher prices, fewer goods, and lower employment. Remember, we are all in this together, despite what some others may say or imply. Isn’t it possible that sometimes what is good for business is good for the people?

How Well Do Financial Markets Work?

In the final Show-Me Forum of 2011, Missouri Bankers Chair John Howe and Show-Me Institute President Rex Sinquefield discuss the “efficient markets hypothesis,” the idea that it’s impossible to “beat the market” because stock prices reflect all available information. Professor Howe takes a theoretical approach from the start, but buttresses his arguments with a number of studies and experiences.

Hey Platte County, Sell Your Golf Course!

According to an article in the Kansas City Star, Platte County is engaged in a difficult debate regarding budget cuts. Officials have proposed cuts to many departments, including the sheriff’s department. In response and opposition, the sheriff said:

“The golf course fleet is better maintained than the sheriff’s department’s fleet,” Sheriff Richard Anderson said.

This brings to mind a very easy move for the county to make that will (1) bring new revenue into the county (the sale price); (2) reduce future expenditures; (3) expand the county property tax base (placing the property on the tax rolls); and (4) remove the county from doing things government is not intended to do. Privatize the golf course.

Golf courses make up one of the least important government programs. I say this as a golfer. I do not think governments should own golf courses, but at least some just own the land and contract out the operations of the course to private companies. Can someone say “comparative advantage”? But Platte County does not appear to even do that. The county appears to own and operate the entire course as a division of county government. (I base that on my reading of the 2011 budget, pages 221-224.) That is insane.

The Mackinac Center and the Reason Foundation both have conducted great work involving government golf courses.  This should be a fairly easy choice for Platte County. Shed the golf course to raise money to improve your sheriff’s fleet. Platte County should sell off its golf course to private operators, and if that is not possible (due to legal restrictions on selling parkland or some other such issue), contract out the management of it.  

And I now will resist the temptation to end this post with an overly cute golf reference, such as “Privatization would be a real Birdie for Platte County!”

Doing the Same Things Over and Over and Over . . .

After a 2011 chock full of tax credit disaster stories, one would think the last thing Missouri politicians would suggest is the creation of a brand new state tax credit for economic development. And yet, here we are.

Meet the new ideas, same as the old ideas.

The Minority Leader in the Missouri House of Representatives says rather than focus only on ideas that have already been vetted, the legislature needs to consider some fresh ideas.

Mike Talboy (D-Kansas City) points to the states neighboring Missouri, all of which he says have angel investment opportunities. Those could be tax credit programs or funds that are typically smaller than some of the economic development programs already in Missouri.

He says putting programs like that into effect can provide “good bang for your buck in the beginning. But then also as the budget years get better and as we have more revenue in the state and as we see the returns on those types of programs, then you can look at expanding them if you need to or be able to expand them into different parts of the state.” Talboy says there is nothing like what he is talking about currently offered by DED.

Angel investments” typically give the investor an ownership or convertible debt stake in a company, which oftentimes is a startup. They usually are differentiated from “venture capital investments” as investments measured in hundreds of thousands of dollars rather than millions of dollars. Angel investments — like so many investments — are inherently risky because success for a startup company is not certain, but such a high risk also has the potential for a high return. According to Jake Halliday, CEO of the Missouri Innovation Center, entrepreneurs oftentimes must give up “a 25 percent to 30 percent ownership stake in his or her startup for a $300,000 angel investment.” If the company grows, so does the angel investor’s money.

So if taxpayers underwrite these investments, will they also get a cut of the capital? I asked a similar question last year when it was revealed that half of the building Stifel Nicolaus was buying in Saint Louis — that is, the building it already occupied — was being subsidized with public monies. Taxpayers did not get to own half of the building it was paying for back then, and they almost certainly will not get a cut of the upside that could be realized from startups under an angel investor tax credit program. In short, we now are being told that Missourians should help defray the risk of high risk/high return investments that rational investors may not have undertaken. Sounds an awful lot like a bubble in the making.

If state officials really want to help businesses in Missouri, they need to stop treating the state’s economic development plan like they are throwing tax credit flapjacks against a wall to see what sticks, and instead cut taxes for everybody. Missouri’s tax credit problem has gotten so bad that Missouri officials could eliminate the corporate income tax entirely, and the state still would have millions of dollars in tax credits remaining. Even if elimination of the corporate income tax is not immediately feasible, officials easily could make deep cuts. They could eliminate millions of dollars of waste that regularly causes the state to lose all but a fraction of the money it expends in those tax credits.

Isn’t there a better way than the conventional wisdom in Jefferson City? Are more tax credits really the answer to our tax credit-fueled economic development problems?

Should Missouri Toll I-70?

Think about the difference in the taxes that property owners pay to fund local parks and the entrance fee your family pays to visit Yellowstone National Park. That is the appropriate framework to begin discussing toll roads. Everyone in the community can access local parks so general taxes support their existence. A much smaller percentage of people visit Yellowstone each year, and those people support it with an admission fee. Interstate highways are like Yellowstone – admission fees (tolls) are the preferred means of funding.

The Missouri Department of Transportation (MoDOT) has announced plans to make Interstate 70 a toll road to fund renovations. Let us make two assumptions: MoDOT will overcome any legal and political impediments to do this (not a safe assumption) and the renovations to I-70 are necessary (I think MoDOT is on safe ground here). With those assumptions set, the focus simply becomes: Is tolling I-70 a good public policy decision? I believe it is.

Missouri has less history with tolling than many other states. Most toll bridges across rivers in Missouri were converted to free facilities decades ago. Two bridges continued as tolls until recently — the McKinley Bridge in Saint Louis and one connecting Missouri and Iowa. The only toll facility now in Missouri is the Lake Ozark Community Bridge, which opened in the 1990s. Unlike neighboring states Illinois, Kansas, Kentucky, and Oklahoma, Missouri has never tolled its highways.

The plan is to have a private contractor reconstruct and toll the part of the highway between Saint Louis and Kansas City, but leave the parts within the urban centers toll-free. Without tolls, MoDOT officials say they would have to increase the gas tax 15 cents per gallon, almost doubling Missouri’s current — and admittedly, low — tax of 17 cents per gallon. The future toll rate (or rates, if they are adjustable, as they should be) is unknown, though the rate should be high enough to fund the highway and discourage congestion, but low enough to discourage taking alternate routes.

In July 2011, I visited a gas station in downtown Saint Louis to film a video on excise taxes in Missouri. We found a gas station, which at one point had cars from Illinois filling its entire lot. We spoke with the manager of an Illinois car service company that drove a dozen of its vehicles every day from Illinois to Missouri just to fill up with gas. Right now, it is inarguable that Illinois residents subsidize Missouri drivers (by buying more gas here than they consume via road usage). If Missouri raises its gas tax, thousands of southern Illinois commuters will see their costs increase too, including many who never drive on I-70 or do so merely for the first few blocks into downtown Saint Louis. (And yes, the new Mississippi River Bridge should have been a toll bridge.)

A Missouri driver, using baseline assumptions of driving 20,000 miles per year in a car getting 25 miles per gallon, would pay $120 more per year in gas taxes after a 15-cent increase. That would equal eight trips on I-70 if we estimate a $15 toll to cross the state. However, all Missouri motorists and anyone else buying gas in Missouri would pay that tax increase, whether they use I-70 or not. Truckers and frequent highway travelers would likely have to pay more with a toll than with a gas tax increase. There is nothing unfair about that because they are the people choosing to use the asset and drive the road.

How should one pay for public goods and services, through taxes or user fees? Good public policy often comes down to the economic questions of rivalry and excludability. Pure public goods are non-rivalrous (meaning that your consumption of it does not limit my consumption) and non-excludable (meaning that it is difficult to prevent someone from using a particular good). Sound public policy suggests that general taxes pay for those types of public goods. A local road system is not excludable (there is no means of keeping someone from leaving their driveway and driving on the street) and non-rivalrous (your use does not impede my use, although congestion makes any road rivalrous in certain conditions). Taxes, such as a general gasoline tax, are preferred for these systems.

Interstate highways connecting major cities (and many bridges) do not meet those standards for public goods. Their limited entry points make it easy to control access, so they are readily excludable. And while highways are not considered rivalrous, they are more rivalrous than local roads because of greater issues with congestion due to peak travel time demands and limited alternative routes. Smart policy is to pay for services like this via fees — in this case, tolls.

Tolls provide the necessary funds to build and maintain the road assets that benefit certain users, such as truckers, more than others. They provide a reliable source of funds to maintain the road in the future. With the recent technological improvements to tolling, fees can be efficiently collected without the long lines at toll plazas that some people may remember. Every state should move in the direction of lower general taxes for roads and more tolls where appropriate. Missouri’s I-70 is one road where it is appropriate.

David Stokes is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute, which promotes market solutions for Missouri Public Policy.

Toll Road Twofer

Please check out this op-ed that the St. Louis Post-Dispatch ran yesterday on turning I-70 into a toll road. Be sure to also read the comments – they are wonderful. Man, am I ever an idiot . . .

This afternoon, I am pleased to appear on the Mark Reardon show on KMOX NewsRadio 1120 to discuss this issue. I will be on during the 3 p.m. time slot. Please listen in if you can.

I support turning I-70 into a toll road, for reasons discussed in the op-ed and in this blog post.

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