Kansas City Land Tax Should Be Expanded, Not Eliminated

It is a bad idea to eliminate Kansas City’s land tax. Almost every economist sees the advantage of land taxes. The general welfare calls for taxes that do the least harm in the form of affecting the quantities of goods or services that people ultimately care about. Nearly all economists agree that a land tax is one of those policies in which taxing land affects the value of the parcel, but does not affect the quantity of land. Henry George, Milton Friedman, Paul Samuelson, and Joseph Stiglitz all recognize the desirable properties associated with land taxation.

The land tax’s fundamental premise is straightforward. The tax collected is the product of the rate and some measure of the land. Any improvements to the land are not subject to the tax. With such a tax in place, the price of the land will change. Indeed, the price is simply the present value of the streams of future income that the land generates. Unlike most goods, the price change accompanying the tax implementation does not affect the quantity of land available. In other words, the supply of land is inelastic with respect to price. Under this rule, landowners seek the land’s use with the highest return. That is a good thing.

In addition, land taxation is easy to implement. The Kansas City version is based on assessed valuations of land already computed by various counties as part of the comprehensive property tax system. So, take the existing assessments, set the rate, compute the tax, and collect.

Kansas City is the only local government authorized to collect a land tax in Missouri. One would assume that when you are the only city in Missouri authorized to enact a tax that economists almost universally recommend, you would want to expand it and remove other, more harmful taxes, right?

Wrong. The Citizens’ Commission on Municipal Revenue (CCMR) recently recommended eliminating the land tax and replacing it with higher sales taxes. Whatever the sales tax is applied to will undoubtedly change the prices and quantities of goods and services. (As an aside, the proposed swap is not revenue neutral. The final result would be a substantial tax increase.) The CCRM, a group consisting mostly of lawyers and former government employees, did not explain why welfare would be higher under the sales tax. Rather, they pointed to the small monies collected from the land tax, which can be addressed by raising it instead of the sales tax. Other factors rendering the land tax undesirable, in their view, are its low growth rate over time, and the fact that it is confusing. They provide no analysis as to why the growth rate is low, and we frankly disagree that it is confusing. It is a tax on the value of land. What is confusing about that?

Let us be clear. The sales tax replacement will be added onto an already comparatively high local sales tax. Thus, prices for goods and services subject to the sales tax will rise and the quantity purchased within the taxing jurisdiction will fall. Consumers will find lower-priced items in neighboring towns, including those across the state line, with lower sales tax rates. The point is that every other taxable item has a higher elasticity and therefore, will cause greater welfare harm to people. If Kansas City seeks to minimize the harm, it would raise the land tax, not eliminate it.

If eliminated, Kansas City is unlikely to be able to re-implement the land tax due to changes in state law since it was first instituted. Kansas City has a tax that other cities in Missouri should envy, and economists would almost universally encourage. And this is what voters are being asked to eliminate in August. We hope Kansas City voters think twice before replacing the least harmful taxes like the land tax with less desirable substitutes.

Joseph Haslag is chief economist and David Stokes is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute, which promotes market solutions for Missouri public policy.

Where Do We Go From Here? – Healthcare Expert Panel Discussion

On Friday, July 13, 2012, the Show-Me Institute hosted an event featuring a panel of healthcare experts discussing the consequences of the Affordable Care Act, as well as a number of policy alternatives to the present law.

About the panel (from left to right):
Dr. Donald Palmisano is a physician and attorney. He is a general and vascular surgeon who teaches at Tulane Medical School. He is also former president of the American Medical Association and current spokesman for the Coalition to Protect Patients' Rights. Dr. Palmisano has testified before congress on numerous occasions and appeared on several news shows including The Today Show, Good Morning America, Nightline and Hardball with Chris Matthews.
Dr. Charles Willey is a well-known local physician who has practiced internal medicine in south Saint Louis county and surrounding areas for more than a quarter of a century. He is also the founding CEO of Essence Healthcare, a Medicare advantage health plan.
Patrick Ishmael is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute who has written extensively about healthcare and the Supreme Court decision. Patrick is a lawyer who's writings have appeared in the Kansas City Star, the LA Times, the Post-Dispatch and many other publications. He's also appeared on numerous radio and television shows as well.

Donnybrook: Brenda Talent on KETC

Show-Me Institute Executive Director Brenda Talent was  a
guest
on Saint
Louis local roundtable discussion show Donnybrook on July 5, 2012.
Among the topics covered this time were: whether Missouri should elect to participate in the medicaid expansion, the Affordable Care Act, the potential development in Hadley township and its effect on homeowners in the area, whether the prevailing wage should be paid to workers rebuilding the city of Joplin, and the fate of the AAA building on Lindell Boulevard.

Click here to watch video of the event.

Should Missouri Participate In A Bernie Madoff-Type Scheme?

First came the threat. Then the bribe, or the offer that sounds
almost too good to be true. Now it is the moment of truth.

On June 28, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts
rendered the majority opinion in a 5-4 vote upholding the
constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act. However, with a 7-2
margin, the Court struck down a key part of the law that would have
stopped the flow of all federal funds for Medicaid to states that did
not expand access to this program, as the law intended.

“The financial ‘inducement’ Congress has chosen is much
more than ‘relatively mild encouragement’ to expand Medicaid,”
Roberts wrote. “It is a gun to the head.”

Because the federal government originally could have
withheld all of the state’s Medicaid funding if it did not expand its
program, Missouri would have faced a massive and essentially
mandatory increase in its Medicaid costs if this part of the law had
been upheld in its original form.

Unable to coerce state governments to spend more of their tax
money on Medicaid, the federal government is offering a grace
period of several years in which it will pick up essentially all of the
cost of the Medicaid expansion, scheduled to begin in 2014, if
individual states commit to spending money of their own in years to
follow.

Over a 10-year period, Missouri would need to commit to
spending about $430 million in order to qualify for $8.4 billion in
additional Medicaid grants from the federal government.

If that looks and sounds almost too good to be true, it is
because it literally is too good to be true.

Where is the money supposed to come from to pay for a huge
increase in this entitlement program? Do we just pretend that the
money is there when we know very well that it is not?

Our state government is already over-leveraged. And the
federal government – with a string of trillion-dollar deficits – is now
borrowing about 40 cents for every dollar it spends. Imagine adding
$400 of credit card debt for every $1,000 you spend. How long do you
think that would work?

As Show-Me Institute Executive Director Brenda Talent
explained in a recent appearance on public television, the federal
government is engaged in a Bernie Madoff kind of scheme. Our state is
already in arrears in trying to meet its current commitments. As Brenda
stated on Donnybrook on KETC-Channel 9 in Saint Louis on July 5,
Missouri will have to spend money, which it does not have, in order to
receive money from the federal government, which it does not have,
while making promises to people that it will not be able to keep.

Nebraska Gov. Dave Heineman and Iowa Gov. Terry Branstad
are already on record opposing the Medicaid expansion. Let us hope
that Missouri joins them in opting out of this part of the federal health
care plan.

It is easy to write IOUs. As Bernie Madoff did, you can – for a
while anyway – write new IOUs to replace old IOUs. But it is morally
as well as fiscally reprehensible to make promises that you cannot keep.
That is why Missouri should say “No” to the Medicaid expansion plan.

Andrew B. Wilson is a resident fellow and senior writer at the Show-Me
Institute, which promotes market solutions for Missouri public policy.

So, Is Missouri Really Falling Behind?

That question is asked a lot these days. The answer really depends on which figures are examined. If one looks at Missouri’s April unemployment rate (the latest figure from the Bureau of Labor Statistics), Missouri’s 7.3 percent looks pretty good compared to the country’s unemployment rate of 8.1 percent. Yet Missouri’s total economy actually shrank from 2010 to 2011. The value of all the goods and services produced in Missouri was a billion dollars less than the previous year. Total employment (that is, the total number of people actually working) also declined. Based on the weight of the evidence, Missouri is falling behind.

Considering this, it is pretty fair to say that there is considerable room to improve Missouri’s economic performance. For example, people on both sides of the aisle have called for tax credit reform. My colleague Patrick Ishmael and I have called for eliminating Missouri’s corporate income tax and making up the lost revenue with the elimination of economic development tax credits. Despite calls in the legislature for reform, the status quo remains.

It is easy to understand why different people have differing views on Missouri’s economic performance. However, the weight of the evidence supports the contention that Missouri is under-performing. Eliminating the corporate income tax is one way to make things better. State officials can do other things to improve as well (such as reforming occupational licensing).

No, It Will Cost Missourians Considerably More Than ‘$20 Per Person’ To Expand Medicaid

The St. Louis Post-Dispatch has published a commentary by Saint Louis University School of Law Professor Robert Gatter in which the good professor claims that Missourians would only have to pay an extra $20 per person, per year to expand their Medicaid program. How does he arrive at that dollar amount? In short, some creative accounting.

Here’s the math. Under the ACA, Washington, D.C., will pay 100 percent of the cost of expanding Medicaid for three years starting in 2014. Then the federal share of that cost in any state that expands its program drops gradually over four years to 90 percent, and it remains there forever. Missouri’s budget director estimates that the state would receive about $2 billion on average each year from the federal government during the first 10 years of expansion. Meanwhile, Missouri would pay, on average, about $80 million per year. That cost would be divided among most of Missouri’s roughly 6 million residents. After excluding Missouri’s children and poor adults, about 4 million residents would share that average annual cost. Eighty million dollars divided by 4 million people equals $20.

Prof. Gatter is, unfortunately, just wrong. The cost of expanding Medicaid would not be $20 per Missourian. It would be much more.

First, Gatter lowballs the state cost of the expansion. As I have written before, the Kaiser Family Foundation estimates that the new program could cost the state almost $800 million in the program’?s first five years — twice what most news outlets have been reporting as the program’s potential cost to the state — and on an annual basis, likely over $100 million in the years that followed. Gatter’s “$20 per person” assumption is based on a rosy baseline that considers only the state budgetary costs in supporters’ ideal budgetary scenario. For a state already facing a battery of budgetary problems, such programmatic ambiguity is dangerous — and especially dangerous if that ambiguity is not admitted.

But the state contribution to the expansion is only a fraction of the cost to Missourians. Again, we are the federal government. Federal money that would go toward a Medicaid expansion is not, despite what the Post-Dispatch has called it, a ?”windfall.”? It is our money, being paid back to us from our own pockets. Taking this into account and dividing Gatter’?s annual $2 billion cost to the feds between his four million Missourians, taxpayers can expect to pay closer to $500 total each year to expand Medicaid, not $20. (I say “closer” because there is, as with so much of this stuff, some taxing and spending nuance involved here.)

That said, and in Gatter’?s own words, those costs then ?”remain there forever” — unless, of course, the law is repealed.

It is bad policy to let politicians essentially split their programs onto different credit cards and for us to act like one or both cards are free money, rather than a liability. If the cost of one bill rises, taxpayers’ overall bill rises. It i?s not an “investment” for a husband to spend $20 out of one family account and $500 out of another, and then to tell his wife he only spent $20 of the family’s money. It is, at best, a shell game, and one that will eventually bite all involved. The result? For Missourians, it means higher taxes, fewer services, or both, with a ?reform? that does not credibly control health care costs.

And a word on Prof. Gatter’s assertion that the Medicaid expansion would produce net savings to the state economy. The professor writes that Missouri experiences “an annual loss to [the] economy of $720 million to $1.5 billion for the 308,000 Missourians [who the proposed] Medicaid expansion would cover.” But does spending $2 billion-plus in taxpayer money each year — state and federal money, much of it likely borrowed — to recoup even $1.5 billion in presumably taxable economic activity really make economic sense? Even liberally construing all of the savings Gatter contemplates in his piece to the maximum, his case for “savings” is far from made, both for individuals and for the government.

Missourians will not get off cheaply with an ACA Medicaid expansion, and in a very real way, much of the cost of the expanded program would just go to another, already maxed-out credit card also in the taxpayers’ name. That is a problem.

Just Wait A Minute

On Aug. 7, Kansas City voters will consider a proposed sales tax increase. Is this a good move for Kansas City? Or is it just more of the same desperate cycle? City taxes and regulations hurt the business environment. Businesses and jobs leave. City funds and services suffer. Taxes are increased to replace funds and maintain services. More businesses and jobs leave. Repeat. While this is being sold as a tax switch, the new revenue from sales taxes will be much higher than the offsetting cuts from the elimination of land taxes and car registration fees.

Also, is raising the sales tax the most efficient way to gain revenue for the city? Why would the city want to eliminate its land tax in the first place? My colleagues, Professor Joe Haslag and Policy Analyst David Stokes, have written about the benefits of land taxation for local governments. Kansas City is unique among local governments in Missouri because it is able to collect land taxes. There is widespread agreement among economists that land taxation causes a minimal amount of economic distortion, yet in its search for extra revenue, Kansas City looks to raise sales taxes.

When people vote on an issue, they should be equipped with as much information as possible. The situation in Kansas City is no different. Even though half a cent sales tax increase does not seem like a large amount, people should be aware that even innocuous decisions can carry with it unforeseen consequences.

Support Us

The work of the Show-Me Institute would not be possible without the generous support of people who are inspired by the vision of liberty and free enterprise. We hope you will join our efforts and become a Show-Me Institute sponsor.

Donate
Man on Horse Charging