Two Cheers For The Isla Del Sol Causeway

As first appearing in Lake News Online:

The condo development on Hawaiian Island, a.k.a. Atlantis Island Condos, a.k.a. Isla Del Sol, at the Lake of the Ozarks, has had a checkered history. Atlantis Island Condos failed after completing only a third of the condos it originally planned, giving the island the feel of a low-budget horror movie set. Rockwood Bank now owns the island and hopes to bring viability to the project by building a 300-foot causeway – which will replace a costly and inconvenient ferry service that connects the island to the mainland. To provide long-term funding, the bank persuaded the Miller County Board of Commissioners to approve a Community Improvement District (CID).

I am skeptical about the use of CIDs to raise funds for public improvements. Too often, CIDs sidestep and subvert the normal democratic process. Under the banner of public goods, special taxing districts of this kind may be used to extract resources from both willing and unwilling property owners. An extreme example is a CID in Lake Lotawana (near Kansas City) that was designed to build sewer lines and other area improvements. Due to egregious mismanagement and questionable transparency, the CID ran out of money and caused a subdivision to go bankrupt.

Despite my overall skepticism toward CIDs, the Isla Del Sol CID makes a lot of sense on several counts. First, it appears the causeway is cost-efficient and a much-needed improvement in terms of resuscitating the stalled condo development.

Second, the Isla Del Sol CID is tightly defined so that only the properties on the island, and a small parcel on the mainland, will pay a new property tax (amounting to close to $1,000 for condos worth approximately $150,000). The property tax will fund the causeway’s construction and maintenance in perpetuity. Should the CID fail to repay Rockwood Bank (which will provide initial funding for the causeway), other taxpayers in Miller County would not have to pay.

Third, of the 53 properties owners that voted on the CID all assented. That may not mean that every property owner agreed (some may not have voted), but it does indicate the strong level of support for the tax from those who will pay for it. In this case, there is no question of a dissenting minority of property owners who are forced to participate in a foolhardy project.

With its clear purpose, narrowly defined tax base, and broad property owner support, the Isla Del Sol CID stands out as tightly defined and well-managed. It is an exception to the rule that special interests are all too likely to capture special tax districts to procure public assistance for private gain.

Joseph Miller is a policy researcher at the Show-Me Institute, which promotes market solutions for Missouri public policy.

Metro Plans Unfair Fares?

In the past week, Saint Louis’ transit agency Metro has held meetings to discuss a proposed fare increase on Metrobus and Metrolink tickets. Some at those meetings cried foul, arguing that the increases are too much to bear. But not only are Metro fares heavily subsidized, the way Metro operates means that either fares or local taxes must increase to cover ever-rising costs, as the testimony I submitted to Metro details.

Metro has proposed increasing fares on selected ticket options by approximately 10 percent, with the purpose of raising an extra $2.2 million in revenue. Metro’s strategy is to regularly increase fares by small amounts, rather than imposing infrequent large increases. But even this smaller increase has its opponents. As reported in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, many have spoken out against raising fares. One attendee at a Tuesday hearing stated, “I agree with a partial raise, but not such a big jump on everything.”

The fact is that fares cover an extremely small percentage of Metro’s costs. In the last 20 years, total Metro fares ($746 million) have accounted for only 14 percent of the total costs of building and operating transit in the Saint Louis area ($5.5 billion). Even if one treats the generous grants of the federal government as manna from heaven, local taxpayers pay far more to fund Metro than fares contribute. For example, in 2012, fares ($49 million) made up only 22 percent of local operating funds ($217 million). The other 78 percent principally comes from taxpayers in the Saint Louis region, only 4 percent of whom use the system to get to work. While it is true more use transit occasionally, most residents of Saint Louis City and County rarely use Metro, if ever. With the federal government and local taxpayers paying so much of Metro’s costs, it is hard to argue that Metro users are being charged too much for their tickets.

To make matters worse, the percentage of operating costs that fares cover has been on a steady downward trajectory over the last two decades. In 1991, fares ($23 million) covered about 28 percent of local operating costs ($83 million) while today they only cover 22 percent. Increasing ticket revenue is not keeping up with the rising costs of operating, much less improving, the Metro transit system, as the chart below demonstrates.

faregrowth

We have written before about how Metro spends an inordinate amount of funds supplying near empty buses to far-flung areas of Saint Louis County. We also have written about the high cost of building and expanding the Metrolink. However, Metro officials feel they have a mandate to improve and expand those services, waste notwithstanding, which means ever-increasing capital and operating costs. Given those constraints, if Metro does not regularly increase fares, a higher and higher share of operating that improved system will fall on those who do not use it.

Inexcusably, Medicaid Expansion Proposal Omits More Than $1 Billion In New State Costs

The leading “Medicaid Transformation” proposal in the Missouri House purports to deliver a Medicaid expansion that effectively makes the state money. Suffice to say, that’s a highly questionable claim, and I don’t even have to cut apart any of the bill’s dubious calculations to reach a very different conclusion. Why? The issue is startlingly simple: The bill’s proponents simply did not account for more than half of the new costs of the Medicaid expansion.

Let me explain how that happened. There are two populations that we discuss regarding Obamacare’s Medicaid expansion. The more obvious of the two is the population that would become “newly eligible” under the law — those who, by virtue of the law’s passage, would now qualify for Medicaid coverage up to 133 percent of the federal poverty level. The Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) estimated that had Missouri expanded its broken Medicaid program after the law passed, the newly eligible population would have cost the state more than a billion dollars from 2013 to 2022. The House expansion bill’s hypothetical budget only really integrates that group into its calculation starting in 2015.

It’s the second population, however, that is an even bigger budgetary concern, and it is substantively ignored in the expansion bill. That group is the “currently eligible” population: those who currently qualify for Medicaid but only become enrolled as part of the expansion’s enrollment push. The phenomenon is sometimes called the “woodwork effect,” as this population that has always been eligible emerges and begins leveraging the Medicaid entitlement for the first time. KFF estimated that over that same period, Missouri would pay $1.6 billion for those new enrollees. That’s more than a doubling of the expansion’s total costs. Without even addressing any of the other problems in the bill’s budgetary forecast, how would the state pay the currently eligible cost of the expansion? I haven’t heard an answer to that question for years now.

You can read more about the issue here. So far without expansion, Medicaid enrollment in Missouri has actually declined; under the circumstances, it is reasonable to suggest that implementation of the expansion itself would initiate the uptick in woodwork costs that KFF forecasted. It is inexcusable that these costs have not been accounted for in the House proposal, but rest assured, this isn’t the first Medicaid expansion proposal I’ve read that failed to integrate these expenses.

Spending is no substitute for reform of a thoroughly broken Medicaid program, especially when the forecasted costs are so woefully understated. If it wasn’t clear before, it should be now: reform is where the legislature should focus its attention, particularly this late in the session.

Airport Advisory Group Seeks To Avoid Public Scrutiny

Avoiding public scrutiny is no way to conduct the people’s business.

We have been critical of the Kansas City mayor’s airport terminal advisory group, including when leadership met with the Kansas City Aviation Department’s PR firm. We also have been critical of its conflicted make-up and its treatment of opponents. Prior to that, we were critical of the Aviation Department and of the Kansas City City Council for refusing to answer questions. We’re not alone; some have called for the airport director to go.

But this is something new. In a recent email sent from the advisory group’s leader, Bob Berkebile, including to several city employees, he seeks to circumvent Missouri’s open meetings law (emphasis added):

On another note we have offered to meet with members of the city council who may want to offer input or to hear from us about how we are doing with our deliberations.  Cindy Circo has extended an invitation to members of the council to meet with us between 9:30 and 11 either this Thursday or on April 3rd.  Our assumption is that these will be informal and that only a few will schedule interviews (to date John Sharp is the only one to request time).  We have also assumed that they will be small (one to one sessions or two of us and two of them in a session).  Cindy and Travis will help us manage the times and any potential conflicts with committee structures to avoid creating a public meeting. Please let us know if you are interested in representing us with your council representative or any of them, and if you are interested please identify what dates/times you are available.

In other words, city council members want to offer input, but they don’t want to do so publicly. This is not new or unique to Kansas City government — all levels of government seek to work around the open record or sunshine or freedom of information laws that apply to them. However, it is disheartening to learn that the group supposedly appointed to bring the public into the discussion about a $1.2 billion new terminal is complicit in keeping things from them.

At every ‘town hall’-style meeting the advisory group hosted that I attended, people said they were frustrated with the process and that they felt locked out of meaningful discussion. Unfortunately, the advisory group’s actions seem to confirm the worst of these fears.

New Documentary Highlights Criticism Of Common Core

On Monday, the Home School Legal Defense Association released a documentary about the Common Core State Standards, “Building the Machine.” There is an obvious bias against the standards in the film, which means Common Core proponents undoubtedly will pan it as propaganda. Nevertheless, the documentary does present some pretty compelling criticisms of the Common Core development process and the standards themselves.

It also does something that Common Core proponents haven’t done very well; it treats individuals with opposing ideas with some respect, ominous music notwithstanding. For example, Michael Farris, founder of Home School Legal Defense Association, stated:

David Coleman [lead writer of Common Core] is a nice man…I don’t agree with his approach at all. I don’t agree with his philosophy. I think that on balance his proposals are not for the good of the public schools. They certainly aren’t good for homeschoolers or private schools. You know, I have some criticism there. But the man’s motives, I don’t think we should be attacking people for their motives. Because, he wants to try to improve the public school system. He genuinely believes that systemization and centralization and data collection are good things for kids.

His point was the underlying current of the film – people have deeply held convictions on issues of education and those convictions often vary.

The film ends with this message:

Decades of research show that the single most important element in a child’s education is parental involvement. So, regardless of which side you support in the reformation of America’s schools…Be involved.

That is good advice. In fact, it is the same advice Emily Watson shared on the Show-Me Daily blog about a month ago.

KC Streetcar TDD Will Not Raise Enough Money for Expansion

Bus IconAccording to the newest plan for the Kansas City Streetcar expansion, there is a $30 to $50 million gap between what the streetcar’s transportation development district (TDD) will raise and the actual cost of the project.

We have written before that the Kansas City Streetcar is an exceptionally expensive and inefficient transit device. We have also warned that the claims of streetcar induced development are, at best, premature. Now we learn that, according to a streetcar plan that the City Council passed last week, no one knows how Kansas City will pay for the project.

The proposed TDD includes a 1% district-wide sales tax and a new tax for properties within 1/3 mile of the streetcar track. That new property tax ranges from 40 cents per $100 of assessed value, to $1.04 per $100. One might note that the $1.04/ $100 rate is on city-owned properties, which Kansas City residents will pay through taxes somehow. The consultants who created the TDD calculate that available revenue for debt service from property and sales taxes will be $177 million, but the capital costs of the streetcar extension plan are around $515 million.

How does $177 million pay for $515 million? First, the planners assume that the city will pay the utility costs of the project from other revenue, or about $28 million dollars. That lowers the project cost to $487 million. Then, they assume the federal government covers half the plan, which, as the authors point out, is not guaranteed.  That leaves a funding gap of about $53 million. The study further reduces this gap through contributions from the city’s Mass Transportation Sales Tax, which essentially means they will divert funds from KCATA. They also plan to offset costs with rider fares (they optimistically assume revenue of $2,000,000 per year, much better than some other streetcars). With those additional funding sources, the gap is only $31 million.

Where will the streetcar get that extra $31 million? There is no answer to that. The consultants hope that increased economic activity from the streetcar will raise TDD revenue, but that is risky. Among the proposed revenue sources they claim could be used for the streetcar: various federal grants, Missouri state tax credits and grants, the city park capital improvement fund, a city gasoline tax, new TIF districts, private foundation grants, among many others.

To sum it up, a large TDD that imposes a 1% sales tax and property tax increases will not fully fund the streetcar (even with the federal government already paying for half), and the planners know it. Unless the federal government is willing to pay the balance, Kansas City or Missouri tax payers will be expensively called on in some way to make up the difference. All in all, the funding section of the streetcar plan should have been called “here be dragons.”

Don’t Forget About Homeschoolers!

School IconNew Hampshire is one of 14 states that have implemented a tax credit scholarship program for students. Essentially, these programs give tax credits to people who donate to approved scholarship funds. Families can apply to use these scholarships to send their students to schools of their choice. So what is so unique about the program in New Hampshire? It is the only program that allows families to use these scholarships to homeschool their children.

In a new case study for the Show-Me Institute, Jason Bedrick notes that more than half the scholarships awarded in 2013 were used for homeschooling expenses. And the families who enrolled in the program were, for the most part, extremely pleased with the opportunity, more than 80 percent, in fact. Homeschool families also saw more academic improvement than their private school counterparts. They appreciated the fact that they were in control, that they were able to adjust the curriculum according to their children’s needs, and that they had more options for different or harder classes. Many of them mentioned that it helped strengthen family relationships.

I have nine siblings. When I was growing up, my parents wanted to make sure that my siblings and I received an education that met our individual needs. They explored public and private schools and each of us was homeschooled at one time or another. The beauty of homeschooling is that it allows parents to tailor the curriculum for their children. Additionally, homeschooling benefits the state because it saves taxpayers money. However, for families like mine, it can be financially difficult. That is why New Hampshire’s tax credit scholarship program is particularly interesting. It could enable more families to homeschool and benefit both families and the state.

As Missouri looks at options for expanding school choice and implementing tax credit scholarship programs, it should seriously consider expanding these to include homeschooling.

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