No, Post-Dispatch, the Rams Don’t Pay Their Way

StadiumEarlier this week, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch published an editorial discussing whether the tax revenue brought in by the Rams is enough to cover the costs associated with building the Edward Jones Dome. Their answer: probably yes. My colleague Joe Miller and I have looked at this issue, and our answer: probably no.

Why the discrepancy? Well, let’s look at the Post-Dispatch‘s “back-of-the-envelope” calculations:

  • They assume roughly $1 million a year from taxes on the Rams’ profits. We have no problem with that.
  • The Post-Dispatch counts the total $151 million of player payroll as taxable, when it isn’t. Rams players play half of their games in other states/cities, so they pay income taxes to those states. This is double counting, since they also count visiting teams’ income taxes too. Taking this into account, Joe and I estimated the income taxes generated by players’ salaries—along with those generated by the coaches, staff, and other employees of the Rams—comes to roughly $11 million.
  • Taxes from sales of merchandise and food and beverages have to be balanced against what would have been received from local businesses had the Rams been absent. The Post-Dispatch gave no indication that they took this into account. According to our calculations, the net sales tax revenue along with ticket tax revenue amounts to roughly $3 million.
  • Add in the Rams’ rent, and you get another $250,000 in revenue.
  • Like the Post-Dispatch, we found it difficult to determine how much the city, county, and state would receive in additional hotel tax revenue.
  • Overall, we estimate the Rams generate between $15-16 million in tax revenue ($10-11 million for the state, $3-4 million to the city, and the remainder to the county). That’s a far cry from the $24 million the city, state, and county put in to finance the dome. Plus, the Post-Dispatch makes no mention of the annual maintenance costs of the dome, which totaled $7 million last year and are projected to run between $5-9 million going forward.

I like football and want the Rams to stay in Saint Louis, but the only way I want to pay for them is by buying a ticket on game day. Giving further subsidies to the Rams will not be a boon to the local economy (which the editorial board, to its credit, recognizes), and it probably will end up being a net loss for taxpayers.

What Does It Mean to “Have Health Care”?

This question has come into sharp focus just five years after the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) passage. Does it mean having insurance? Or does it mean having accessible, affordable, and fundamentally personal care?

These may sound like philosophical questions, but the answers have very real consequences, as this story in the New York Times shows.

Alison Chavez, 36, who is self-employed, signed up for a marketplace plan in October 2013 that she hoped would be an improvement on her previous plan. She had recently been given a diagnosis of breast cancer and was just beginning therapy, so she was careful to choose a policy on the Covered California marketplace that included her physicians.

But in March, while in the middle of treatment, she was notified that several of her doctors and the hospital were leaving the plan’s network. She was forced to postpone a surgery as she scrambled to buy a new commercial policy that included her doctors. “I’ve been through hell and back, but I came out alive and kicking (just broke),” she wrote in an email.

Obamacare tries to treat the symptoms of a sick American health care system—the rising cost of insurance—but it doesn’t really treat the underlying sickness, the rising cost of care. And that’s ultimately what we expect when we “have health care”: care. It’s just not necessarily what people receive under the ACA.

In that context, it’s understandable that many Americans are looking for alternative care models that meet their needs, not the needs of a government bureaucrat. The “direct care” model is one of the most promising. The direct care model is simple; for a set fee, patients and doctors can contract for health care services. These care “subscriptions” guarantee access to a doctor of the patient’s choosing, oftentimes because the doctor is limiting the number of total patients he or she will take over that period. Instead of paying for insurance and getting poor care or no care at all, patients pay for care and receive . . . care. Imagine that.

An article published in Time Magazine late last year sums up what makes direct care arrangements attractive.

The driving insight here is that primary care and specialized care have two very different missions. Americans need more of the first so they’ll need less of the second. And each requires a different business model. Primary care should be paid for directly, because that’s the easiest and most efficient way to purchase a service that everyone should be buying and using. By contrast, specialty care and hospitalizations—which would be covered by traditional insurance–are expenses we all prefer to avoid. Car insurance doesn’t cover oil changes, and homeowners’ insurance doesn’t cover house paint. So why should insurance pay for your annual checkup or your kid’s strep swab? [Emphasis mine]

You can think of it as “a la carte care” or “concierge care,” or something else, but it is indisputably care—care that the patient has chosen and can actually access. The potential for direct care extends even to more specialized care, too. At the Surgery Center of Oklahoma (SCO), the surgeons post the prices of their services online, with prices oftentimes a fraction of what other hospitals and insurance companies charge patients. This 2012 video from Reason TV explains the lower-cost, and arguably more personal, SCO model.

It is no wonder several proposals now floating around the Missouri Legislature aim not only to protect direct care arrangements, but also to facilitate them. One proposal would insulate direct care arrangements from undue bureaucratic interference; another would initiate a pilot program to make direct care available to the poor. Both are well worth the consideration of Missouri legislators, especially before the legislature’s session comes to a close next month.

Direct care has the potential to help patients like Alison find and keep the doctors they want—and not have that relationship jeopardized by some middleman insurance relationship. Amidst all the problems of America’s post-Obamacare medical system, direct care represents a bright shining possibility for a better model for our health care: one that puts the patient first, not the government.

Blame It On the MTC

Traveling can be stressful. I’m usually comforted when the airplane safely touches down at my final destination, especially when it’s at Lambert International Airport. Unfortunately, Saint Louis cabs can add to the stress and deplete the pocketbook.

This past week, when my flight into Saint Louis was over an hour and a half delayed, I realized I would have to catch a cab home. I usually can persuade my friends to pick me up by offering them Starbucks, but since my flight landed at 1:00 a.m. no one was able to pick me up. With MetroLink stopping service at 12:57 p.m., I was left with no other choice than to get a cab ride back to my apartment in Midtown. After collecting my bags, I went to the taxi stand to find only one company offering cab services. After a 15-mile ride to my apartment, I was stuck with a $44.14 cab fare.

Ride_RequestRidesharing companies like Uber and Lyft operate out of cities like San Francisco and Chicago at much more competitive rates. San Francisco even offers UberPool, which matches you with other riders heading in the same direction with the fare split among several riders.

However, since I live in Saint Louis, a city that is inhospitable to innovative and competitive ridesharing companies, I was unable to seek an affordable option.

The Metropolitan Taxicab Commission (MTC) is a regulatory body meant to protect the consumer. Instead, they protect the cab companies who profit from anti-competitive regulations, while consumers are left without options that are prevalent in a competitive market.

Looking through the ridiculous regulations of the MTC’s code, cab companies picking up customers from the airport must obtain a permit and give one dollar for every fare to the MTC. At this time, the MTC has only granted permits to seven cab companies. With limits on the number of permits made available, cab companies are shielded from meaningful competition and can set prices that would be too high in a market with free entry.

I hope the next time I fly into Saint Louis, UberX or Lyft will be an option because I cannot afford many more $45 cab rides.

The Fallacy of Tailgate Economics

News flash: Saint Louis is in danger of losing its football team. City and state officials are working feverishly on plans for a new publicly financed state-of-the-art stadium, but it may be too late. The owner sees greener pastures out west, and after years of subpar play on the field, fan support is tepid. Taxpayers may rebel against the use of public dollars to finance a new domed stadium.

That’s right, this story is not about the Rams; it’s about the St. Louis Football Cardinals circa 1988. Then, as now, NFL teams still would prefer that the public subsidize new stadiums, with the possibility of leaving town as the not-so-veiled threat. Saint Louis and Missouri officials hope to oblige, presenting a plan to spend more than $400 million on a new stadium for the Rams.

Saint Louis is a great sports city with enthusiastic support for professional teams (especially the baseball Cardinals), and many local leaders and residents take pride in being an NFL city. However, government officials here and around the country argue that pro sports franchises boost regional economies and spur urban regeneration.

Unfortunately, it just isn’t so. Cities have been funding stadiums for decades. The vast majority of economic research shows little evidence that these subsidies have yielded any economic benefits or growth in tax revenue. Speaking about the plan to subsidize a new stadium for the Rams, one University of Chicago economist said, “. . . building a football stadium is probably one of the worst expenditures of taxpayer dollars there is.” As for urban regeneration, while stadiums can ride a revitalization trend, there is no evidence that they create them. The issue with stadiums is that they tend to divert entertainment dollars that were already being spent in the metro area. Unless the teams draw in many tourists, which is not the case with most teams (including the Rams), NFL stadiums do not have a significant impact on the regional economy.

In the case of Saint Louis, officials do not even need to read up on the economic literature, they can simply look at the results of the Edward Jones Dome, Saint Louis’ current stadium. Originally conceived as an effort to keep the Football Cardinals (now playing in Arizona), the Edward Jones Dome was entirely publicly financed. When it opened in 1995, it was considered state-of-the-art.

Only 20 years later, the Edward Jones Dome, on which the city still owes money, is maligned as outmoded. The arrival of the Rams had no noticeable effect on tax revenue, aside from a small increase in income tax receipts. As for urban regeneration, the area immediately north of the stadium, known as the Bottle District, is an empty lot. There has been no dome-centered growth.

Nevertheless, public officials and representatives still talk as if a new riverfront stadium will cause urban regeneration and generate hundreds of millions of dollars of new state tax revenue. If regeneration means parking lots (which will surround the stadium), then they may have a point.

Even assuming the best case—that Saint Louis is blessed with a football team that holds home-field advantage through two playoff games leading up to the Super Bowl—does anyone really believe that having 10 great tailgate parties a year outside a new riverfront stadium is the key to Saint Louis’, or any other city’s, economic revitalization?

Common sense tells us “no.” So too does past experience, along with an abundance of economic literature.

 

SEMO May Embrace All-You-Can-Eat Education

Funnyman Owen Wilson describes the University of Phoenix as “the Harvard of Internet colleges” during an interview with Google in the film, The Internship.

“That reputation hasn’t made it out here,” responds the Google executive.

While online universities haven’t exactly obtained an “Ivy league” status, they certainly are impacting the education market.

Massive Open Online Courses (MOOC), such as Udacity and edX, provide free access to lectures, readings, and coursework. Participants can receive a certification or credit, which may be used for educational or professional purposes. In January, San Jose State announced a partnership with Udacity to offer remedial courses to incoming freshmen.

Last week, Southeast Missouri State University (SEMO) announced it would explore another type of online model, competency-based education. The model is based on Western Governors University (WGU), which is basically “all-you-can-eat.” Students pay one flat rate per term. This allows students to skip ahead by testing out of modules. It would be possible to earn a degree in one year for under $6,000.

wgu

While the quality of these programs and the acceptance by employers is debatable, MOOCs and competency-based programs are competition for state universities like SEMO and San Jose, who have had to adapt to attract students looking for a flexible, low-cost college experience.

Tax Foundation: Missouri’s Sales Taxes Still Well Above Average

Last year, I wrote in Forbes about whether Missouri is a “low tax state.” (It isn’t.) I explored how Missouri compared to other states on a variety of taxes. At the time, by the Tax Foundation’s metrics, Missouri’s combined state and local sales taxes ranked 14th highest in the country.

This finding probably surprised a few Missourians, but it shouldn’t. Missouri’s state sales tax may be relatively low at 4.225 percent, but locally imposed sales taxes nearly double the average sales tax paid in Missouri stores. This includes extra sales taxes in special taxing districts like Kansas City’s Power & Light District, which can pump the sales taxes actually paid by consumers to well over 10 percent. These sales taxes are, of course, in addition to the state’s income and property taxes, which aren’t exactly low either. This is why Missouri isn’t a “low tax state.”

The Tax Foundation released its 2015 sales tax rankings, and . . . well . . . Missouri still ranks 14th at a rate of 7.81 percent, well ahead of 29th-ranked Florida (6.65 percent), which, of course, doesn’t have an income tax. The Tax Foundation’s report makes special mention of the failure of Missouri’s transportation sales tax last year, which would have added another three-quarters of a percent to the state’s already-high sales tax. Had Amendment 7 passed and bumped the state’s average sales tax to over 8.5 percent, chances are very good that Missouri would have jumped into the top 10 of high sales tax states, ahead of states like California (8.44 percent) and New York (8.48 percent). Missouri’s sales taxes are already bad; this year it is cold comfort to know that they could have been worse.

Missouri needs substantive, across-the-board tax relief. There’s still time for the legislature to act this year—at least on the income tax—but the clock is ticking.

Kansas City Builds by Digging Itself into Holes

We’ve written extensively about the money that Kansas City has been handing out to downtown developers. Every dollar they give away is one less for infrastructure and basic services. Proponents claim that this is all worth it because of the revitalization of downtown. (Other observers, such as the Kansas City Business Journal, seem more cautious.) If the handouts of the past have been so successful, we should be able to sit back and watch all the private economic development dollars roll in. Yet despite claims of success, Kansas City is still giving away money.

  • Cordish, the company that brought us the Power & Light District then sued to lower their county property taxes, says that the downtown investment has been a success! But apparently the success wasn’t great enough to forgo further subsidies for two more residential buildings.
  • The Port Authority in Kansas City recently announced that they will be using public dollars to subsidize the construction of luxury residential condominiums along Kansas City’s riverfront. There is great demand they say, but apparently not enough to avoid the use of public underwriting.
  • A Crossroads hotel has received TIF subsidies, and an apartment building in the same area is receiving a property tax abatement and a $1 million exemption in sales taxes.

When will the public subsidies end? How do we know when we’re done? Is there any incentive for developers to say they do not need public subsidies? (The answer to that last question is no.) This is important because every subsidy means less money for city and county services; every abatement means less money for schools, less money for libraries. Right now, at least $93 million of city revenue is redirected each year to these developers. That doesn’t include the new projects for Cordish, Burns & McDonnell, and Cerner. Developers shouldn’t be encouraged to build skyscrapers while digging taxpayers into a hole.

Second Chances

 

As K'Von Williams illustrates, DeLaSalle Education Center transforms young lives. Unfortunately, Missouri uses a one-size-fits-all accountability model to evaluate public schools. Because DeLaSalle serves only dropouts and at-risk students, it cannot so easily mask its students' performance like other alternative high schools across the state, which count their students' scores with the overall district. Missouri should reform its public school accountability system so that more students like K'Von get a second chance at receiving a quality education.

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