Nixa Officials Dream of High-speed Internet, With Taxpayer Dollars

As originally appearing in Springfield Business Journal:

Big dreams with other people’s money.

That’s how one participant at a conference on economic development in Missouri described most infrastructure improvement plans. Local governments are all too willing to lavish other people’s money on grand schemes of a this-changes-everything nature. An example of this misguided but common impulse is taking place in Nixa, Missouri.

For the last couple years, Nixa officials have become more and more interested in building a public fiber network. The city commissioned a feasibility study from SiFi, a British fiber optic network developer, on building a network that would provide 1 gigabit–speed Internet to households and some businesses. The cost to Nixa could be almost $30 million, more than the city’s total 2015 budget.

The vast majority of broadband infrastructure, in Nixa and elsewhere, is privately built and operated. But increasingly, cities are treating Internet, and high-speed Internet, as a required utility. Indeed, having limited Internet availability or little private-sector competition may severely limit a locality’s ability to attract new residents and high-paying jobs. It may be reasonable for a city to step in where the private sector can’t (or won’t) provide competitive Internet access.

This is not the case in Nixa. A number of Internet service providers—AT&T, Comcast, Timer Warner, Charter, and Suddenlink, among others—serve the city. Internet pricing and speeds are competitive with many other cities. It is not as though, without government involvement, Nixa would never get super-high-speed Internet. One company operating in Nixa, Suddenlink, already has announced plans to provide gigabit Internet.

Nixa’s plans for government fiber are born of preference, not necessity. City officials have stated that they want to shed Nixa’s image as a bedroom community for Springfield; the city needs a special edge to make that transformation. Waiting for private companies to bring higher speed Internet at some time to some segment of Nixa at some price is, therefore, unacceptable.

The business strategy is interesting. Nixa, however, is not a business, it’s a city. Officials are not experienced telecom developers, and their money comes from taxes, not investors or customers. And there are risks. If Nixa goes forward with an arrangement with SiFi, the city will be responsible for millions in yearly payments. If there is not sufficient demand for the new gigabit Internet, the system could quickly become a drain on the city’s budget. Furthermore, by providing public broadband infrastructure at low prices, it may dampen the incentives for private Internet providers to invest their own money improving Internet in Nixa. With technology rapidly changing, Nixa might quickly find itself with an outdated and money-losing public Internet infrastructure, which nonetheless discourages private companies from building services of their own.

Having quality Internet access at affordable rates is important for all localities in Missouri. If the private sector truly cannot provide it in some of the more rural areas, local governments may be justified in providing it. But in the case of Nixa, and cities like it, need is simply not there. Instead, the problem seems to be that the pace with which private-sector companies are improving Internet service does not fit the dreams of local officials. These grand plans, and the government’s ability to be an effective broadband provider, should make taxpayers suspicious. Because when Nixa officials dream big, they do it with other people’s money.

Joseph Miller is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute.

 

Obamacare Expanders’ Emergency Room Claims: Still False

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Supporters of the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion have claimed for many years that implementing Obamacare would reduce emergency room visits. In a press release distributed on New Year’s Eve 2013, Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon suggested that by expanding Medicaid fewer people would show up to emergency rooms.

Tomorrow, businesses in these states [that expand Medicaid] will have a significant competitive advantage—because as more people get health coverage, fewer people show up in emergency rooms, putting downward pressure on private health premiums. [Emphasis mine]

We’ve noted before that this isn’t true, and news released yesterday from the American College of Emergency Physicians confirms this yet again.

A survey of 2,098 emergency-room doctors conducted in March showed about three-quarters said visits had risen since January 2014. That was a significant uptick from a year earlier, when less than half of doctors surveyed reported an increase. The survey by the American College of Emergency Physicians is scheduled to be published Monday.

Medicaid recipients newly insured under the health law are struggling to get appointments or find doctors who will accept their coverage, and consequently wind up in the ER, ACEP said. Volume might also be increasing due to hospital and emergency-department closures—a long-standing trend.

“There was a grand theory the law would reduce ER visits,” said Dr. Howard Mell, a spokesman for ACEP. “Well, guess what, it hasn’t happened. Visits are going up despite the ACA, and in a lot of cases because of it.” [Emphasis mine]

Obamacare didn’t fix what was wrong with Medicaid. It simply doubled-down on a broken status quo—adding beneficiaries to a limited and narrowing network better known for its terrible health outcomes and dysfunction than for its care. If we want to make health care for the neediest in this state better, then we have to actually reform the current Medicaid program, not repackage Obamacare’s expansion and overlay it onto actual reform proposals.

Missouri needs Medicaid reform, both for beneficiaries and for taxpayers. Expanding Obamacare doesn’t get us there.

Surprising No One, Big Government Union Wants State to Spend More

The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Council 72 (AFSCME), a big government union representing various health, service, and maintenance personnel employed by the state government, is complaining about state employee compensation. The claim that Missouri ranks 50th for state worker pay is at the crux of their argument. This point is wildly misleading.

Missouri has nearly the lowest cost of living in the country. Each dollar I spend in Missouri goes quite a bit further than it would in a high cost-of-living state, such as California or Maryland. As a result, residents of low cost-of-living states, even if paid less, might be able to afford more than people working the same job in a high cost-of-living state. A comparison of pay among the states that does not adjust for regional differences in the cost of necessities like rent, food, and gas is not very meaningful.

A better way to determine whether state employees are underpaid would be to compare state employee compensation with the pay of people performing similar jobs in the private sector. How much do maintenance workers, office clerks, and lawyers make working for the government versus working for a private business located in Missouri?

Andrew Biggs and Jason Richwine of American Enterprise Institute looked at state employee compensation this way. They found that in Missouri state employees often make more—by an average of 7 percent—than comparable private-sector workers when the value of benefits is factored in. In other words, Missouri state workers are not in urgent need of an across-the-board pay increase; in fact, they’re often compensated more generously than their private-sector counterparts.

Perhaps we shouldn’t fault AFSCME for using misleading information to suggest that Missouri state employees are underpaid. It’s not AFSCME’s job to conduct a serious study of the adequacy of public employee pay; AFSCME’s job is to get more for its members. Members of the public should keep this in mind any time a government union issues a statement on public policy.

Fuel Tax Increase, P3 Bill on Verge of Passing Senate

Last Thursday, SB 540, a bill languishing on the Missouri Senate floor that would increase the state fuel tax two cents, was amended and gained that body’s approval. The amendments, which will tier the fuel tax increase and create a board to look at tolling major transportation infrastructure projects, is an improvement over previous versions of the bill and should be given due consideration by policymakers.

The first major change to SB 540 is that instead of raising both regular and diesel fuel taxes by two cents the regular gasoline tax will only increase by 1.5 cents and diesel tax will increase by 3.5 cents. This type of change makes sense, because the vast majority of taxable diesel fuel is bought by trucks, which can do much more damage to the roads per gallon consumed. In fact, both the federal government and 20 other states have higher diesel taxes than regular fuel taxes. This change will have little impact on the total amount of new revenue raised, which will be just under $80 million given current fuel consumption in Missouri. However, this should provide enough funds to MoDOT (around $60 million) to maintain federal matching funds and give a much-needed boost to municipal road improvement budgets.

Aside from these tiers, another change to SB 540, named the “Public-Private Partnership (P3) Authority Act,” may provide more long-term opportunities for improving the state highway system. Even if fuel taxes increase, the state still will not have sufficient revenue to make expensive but necessary improvements to our state roads. A prime example of this is I-70, which will need to be rebuilt from the ground up at a cost of billions of dollars. A reasonable method of solving this problem is to use modern toll roads to pay for better infrastructure, as many states already have.

However, there are constitutional issues with MoDOT tolling the state highway system, which have to do with the dispersal of State Road Fund money. A way to avoid this problem is to have private companies take over the job of financing, building, and maintaining state highways as toll roads. Missouri already has a federal waiver to rebuild I-70 as a toll road, and an amendment to SB 540 would create a board that would look for public-private partnerships to do just that. This bill also includes a check, in that any tolling proposal would have to be approved by the legislature.

The amended SB 540 is a sound policy solution to MoDOT’s funding problems and would be a great step forward for Missouri. However, the bill still requires final senate approval before going to the house and the governor. We’ll keep you updated.

Video: Interdistrict Choice for Students in Failing Schools

 

In June of 2013, the Missouri Supreme Court upheld a state law that allowed students in unaccredited school districts to transfer to nearby accredited districts. The student’s home district would be responsible for making tuition payments and providing transportation. Using data, firsthand accounts, and structured interviews with school district superintendents, this paper examines what happened in response to the transfer program. Specifically, it examines how the districts responded. In all, more than 2,000 students transferred from the unaccredited Normandy and Riverview Gardens school districts, roughly a quarter of the total student population. These students transferred to two dozen area school districts. Except in isolated cases, evidence suggests that these students were largely absorbed into receiving school districts without causing much disruption. For the unaccredited school districts, however, the transfer program had a profound impact on school finances.

Read James Shuls’s recent paper on this subject: 

Updated Reports: Missouri Fast Facts 2015

The Show-Me Institute is proud to present Missouri Fast Facts for 2015. These Fast Facts booklets cover a variety of topics and contain useful information that people can reference without having to scan through 100-page reports (that’s our job). Want to know by how much Missouri’s public pensions are underfunded? Just check the Pension Fast Facts for an answer. Want to know how Missouri highways are funded? Take a look at our Transportation Fast Facts.

These booklets are packed with information, but if you want to know more about any of the topics they cover, please visit our main website, showmeinstitute.org.

Promise Zone Just the Latest of Many Development Zones for Saint Louis

This week, the Obama Administration announced that parts of Saint Louis City and North Saint Louis County would become the latest federal “Promise Zones,” a designation that will put these areas in the front of the line when it comes to getting federal poverty aid and Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) funding. While there is hope that the zone can be a catalyst for change in Saint Louis, this is hardly the first time the Saint Louis region has become part of a federal zone or the target of HUD aid.

Creating special zones to channel development is not a new concept in Saint Louis. Much of the city is part of a federal “Empowerment Zone,” which gives distressed areas tax incentives and federal grants. East Saint Louis is already part of an Empowerment Zone and an “Enterprise Community.” Saint Charles became a federal “Renewal Community” following flooding in the 1993. In addition, areas of North County have Foreign Trade Zone (FTZ) status (the entirety of the city and county are FTZ eligible), which qualify some businesses for customs-free imports. Much of the city and parts of the county are in “HUBZones,” which are designed to give federal procurement preference to small businesses in distressed areas.

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Even at the state level, the Saint Louis area has special development zones. Much of Saint Louis City is an “Enhanced Enterprise Zone,” which provides state tax credits to certain types of businesses setting up in certain areas. Nearly 100 census tracts in the Saint Louis area are designated as distressed communities, making businesses eligible for large tax credits through the state’s Rebuilding Communities program.

Aside from special zones, the Saint Louis area has been the recipient of just about every type of development aid that HUD has available. In the 1990s, the state received $15 million in Section 108 grants to spend on housing. In the late 1990s, the city received $20 million in Community Development loans and $2 million in Community Development grants. The city spent that money on the Renaissance Center hotel, which turned out to be a financial disaster. More recently, HUD gave a grant for the planning of the Lemay Community Center. The only major HUD programs the Saint Louis region has not benefited from are those targeted at rural areas and arson/terrorism.

When we consider that Saint Louis City, North Saint Louis County, and East Saint Louis have, since the early 1990s, benefited from exactly the kind of federal attention the “Promise Zone” would bring, it is difficult to conclude that adding yet another zone is part of the answer. Given the continued “disinvestment” in these targeted areas over the last 20 years and the growing evidence that such zones do not generate progress, it may be time to consider other policy solutions to combat economic decline.

Some Good Economic News (Well, at Least About Cost of Living)

Economic data released by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) last April continued to show that income in Missouri just isn’t increasing very rapidly. The data also provide some good news: It is cheaper to live in Missouri than almost any other state in the union.

The BEA now adjusts nominal incomes at the state level for price-level differences across states. This is made possible by the development of regional price parities (RPP). Basically, the state RPPs measure geographic differences in prices; that is, comparable costs of living. The 2014 release marks the first time these series are being recognized as “official” statistics. What do the new data tell us about Missouri?

The chart below shows that growth in Missouri’s real personal income for 2011-12, the most recent years for which the data are available, falls in the next to lowest quintile of states. We have eight other low-growth cohorts, including neighboring states Nebraska and Kentucky. But the vast majority of states (and most of our neighbors) experienced faster growth in real personal income compared with Missouri.

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The income data is disheartening. But the evidence about Missouri’s cost of living compared to other states strikes a definite positive note. The chart below shows that Missouri’s RPP in 2012 places it near the bottom of the ranking. And being at the bottom of this ranking is good news for a change. This means that the general level of prices in Missouri is below the national average and lower than all but three states.

hafer2

Translation: While Missourians’ real incomes still are not rising as fast as we’d like, the cost of living in Missouri is less than nearly every other state. Maybe the BEA’s next release of this data, scheduled for July 1, 2015, will provide positive news on both fronts.

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