Medicaid’s Checkup: Part 1

One of the few things healthcare providers almost unanimously agree on is the importance of annual checkups. Among other benefits, they offer providers a regular opportunity to gauge a patient’s health. The same idea should be applied to public policies, especially Missouri’s largest government-run program, Medicaid. After almost four years during which COVID-19 obscured the program’s performance, I think it’s long past time for a checkup.

First, here’s a quick recap of what’s happened with the program in recent years. In March of 2020, the COVID-19 global pandemic began, and the federal government declared a national state of emergency. Over the next several years, Medicaid’s enrollment boomed, and in response the federal government agreed to increase its share of funding for the program. But as is almost always the case, the additional federal money came with strings attached. Particularly, accepting the funds required Missouri’s Medicaid agency to stop checking whether program enrollees were eligible to receive services. This prohibition continued until the end of March 2023.

Additionally, during the pandemic period, Missouri voters approved a constitutional amendment that radically reshaped the state’s Medicaid program. The amendment expanded Medicaid by extending program eligibility to able-bodied Missourians making up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level. For a family of four, this figure represents yearly earnings of approximately $43,000. Unsurprisingly, this expansion has led to an enormous increase in program enrollment, and as with COVID relief funds, the federal government agreed to pay an increased share for those newly eligible to enroll.

Given these developments, it shouldn’t be surprising that Missouri’s Medicaid program looks much different today than it did four short years ago. Prior to the pandemic in 2019, Missouri’s Medicaid enrollment sat around 850,000, with about 520,000 of those enrolled being children. By 2023, total program enrollment had nearly doubled to 1.5 million, with approximately 740,000 of those being kids and 350,000 being adults who had enrolled as a result of the change in eligibility requirements. Today, according to the state’s most recent enrollment data, there are still nearly 1.3 million Missourians on the program, including 640,000 children and 340,000 “expansion” adults.

In terms of cost, the growth has been similarly shocking. In 2019, the program cost around $10.4 billion in total, with less than $2.2 billion coming from Missouri taxpayers via state income and sales taxes. In this year’s FY 2025 budget, Medicaid’s total cost has ballooned to an expected $18.2 billion, with $3.8 billion coming from state taxpayers. This represents a total increase of approximately 75%, and the growth of state taxpayer investment isn’t much lower at 74%.

In several upcoming blog posts, I’ll dive deeper into these numbers and explain why it’s important that our elected officials take action to rein in our Medicaid program sooner rather than later.

Nuclear Energy Is a Bipartisan Solution

As the new year approaches and a new presidential administration prepares to take office, we may see significant changes in the policy coming out of Washington, D.C. However, support for nuclear energy—a rare point of agreement in politics today—might be something that continues.

Recently, the White House unveiled its detailed framework for deploying nuclear energy, which emphasized the need for nuclear power in America’s future. This plan included an ambitious target to triple U.S. nuclear capacity by 2050. While this specific plan may not survive the transition, the sentiment is likely to endure.

Bipartisan Support for Nuclear

Both sides of the aisle recognize the potential in an American nuclear resurgence, albeit with different motivations. Part of the reason the Biden administration supports nuclear energy is because of climate change. Ambitious emissions goals are difficult to achieve without nuclear energy. The previously mentioned report argues:

Expanding domestic nuclear energy production has a key role to play in helping to avoid the worst impacts of climate change by enabling the nation to achieve a net-zero greenhouse gas emission economy no later than 2050. Nuclear power delivers safe, clean, reliable, and affordable electricity.

The Trump administration’s support hinges largely on reliability, capacity, and energy security. Members of the first Trump administration have advocated for keeping plants open, investing in SMRs (small modular nuclear reactors), and continuing to modernize the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. The president-elect recently affirmed this stance:

Starting on day one, I will approve new drilling, new pipelines, new refineries, new power plants, new reactors and we will slash the red tape. We will get the job done. We will create more electricity, also for these new industries that can only function with massive electricity.

Outside of the Oval Office, another notable example of nuclear momentum is the passage of the ADVANCE Act, which is designed to spur advanced nuclear construction and streamline regulations. This bill flew through Congress with an 88–2 vote in the Senate and a 393–13 vote in the House of Representatives before being signed by the president.

Bipartisan Action in Missouri

Nuclear energy is unique in that it is safe, powerful, and environmentally friendly. It is the most reliable energy source, and some claim it produces the lowest amount of greenhouse gas emissions over the lifecycle of the power plant. Public awareness of these benefits is increasing, as Bisconti Research found that favorability for nuclear energy increased from 49 percent in 1983 to 77 percent in 2024 among the U.S. public.

In the past, nuclear energy may have been viewed through a partisan lens, but today, it represents a solution to address some of our nation’s key concerns. This upcoming legislative session, lawmakers in Jefferson City should come together to craft meaningful policy that will help bring more nuclear power to the Show-Me State.

The Future of the Department of Education with Ginny Gentles

Susan Pendergrass speaks with Virginia (Ginny) Gentles, director of the Education Freedom and Parental Rights Initiative at the Defense of Freedom Institute, about the future of the Department of Education given recent remarks from the incoming administration about abolishing the department. They discuss the implications for American education policy, explore the potential impact on parental rights and education freedom, and more. Ginny, a long-time school choice advocate and host of the Freedom to Learn Podcast, brings a wealth of experience from her time at the U.S. Department of Education under President George W. Bush, the Florida Department of Education, and as a legislative analyst on Capitol Hill.

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Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

Downtown St. Louis Doesn’t Need Subsidies

State lawmakers in Missouri are considering a $102 million tax credit program to convert empty downtown St. Louis office buildings, such as the AT&T Tower and Railway Exchange, into residential and retail spaces. Dubbed the “Revitalizing Missouri Downtowns and Main Streets Act,” the plan aims to address declining occupancy rates and boost the downtown economy by reimbursing developers for 25–30% of their conversion costs. While this sounds appealing, it’s a recycled idea that has repeatedly failed to deliver meaningful results for cities.

The proposal rests on shaky assumptions about the effectiveness of economic development subsidies. Tax credits and similar incentives have a long history of overpromising and underdelivering—even according to analyses from people supporting the projects!

These programs often enrich developers without producing significant long-term benefits for the communities footing the bill. Take, for example, the myriad subsidies for corporate headquarters and downtown stadiums in Kansas City. Despite their hefty price tags, these deals leave taxpayers shouldering higher costs with little to show for it in terms of jobs or economic growth. St. Louis risks again following the same path—throwing public money at developers while failing to address the underlying issues.

A major problem with subsidies like this is that they create a false sense of market demand. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch quotes one of the bill’s sponsors, Missouri Senator Steve Roberts, as saying, “The demand for more downtown residential is clear.” If that were true, private investors should already be stepping up. Developers should not need government support to pursue profitable opportunities.

Subsidy programs also suffer from a lack of transparency and accountability. Often, there are no robust safeguards to measure their success or clawback provisions when promises go unfulfilled. Without clear benchmarks and regular public reporting, these programs devolve into blank checks for developers.

St. Louis should focus on making the downtown area a desirable place to live by prioritizing public safety and basic city services. Addressing crime, for instance, would do far more to draw new residents and businesses than funneling public money into speculative real estate projects.

A smarter approach to revitalizing downtown St. Louis would let market forces lead the way. City leaders can play a supportive role by streamlining permitting processes and reducing regulatory barriers, making it easier for developers to pursue worthwhile projects. (There are some small, hopeful signs St. Louis is heeding this call.) At the same time, investments in public safety, infrastructure, and essential services would lay the groundwork for organic growth that benefits everyone—not just developers.

Yes, St. Louis needs more residents. Yes, increasing the downtown population would have all sorts of positive economic effects. But right now, too few people want to live there, and nothing will work until that changes first.

Missouri’s Accountability Crisis, Ghost Students and Tax Hikes

James Shuls, David Stokes, and Avery Frank join Zach Lawhorn to discuss what the latest test scores reveal about Missouri schools, the debate over a four-day school week as a budget solution, Town and Country’s controversial property tax increase, opposition to a comprehensive plan in Cole Camp, and more.

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Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

The Four-Day School Week and Finances

Missouri’s continuous decline in public school enrollment and the drying up of federal COVID funds have left school districts across the state grappling with budget fears. The reality of losing “ghost students” (districts relying on their highest enrollment figures from the past four years) has become increasingly apparent as enrollment continues to decline. Some districts, such as Fox C-6 in Jefferson County, are considering turning to a four-day school week (4dsw) as a potential solution.

However, there is little evidence that the 4dsw is the answer to financial woes.

A year ago, my colleague James Shuls and I published a systematic literature review of the most rigorous studies that evaluated the effect of the 4dsw on student achievement, district finances, teacher retention and recruitment, and parental satisfaction. We found that the 4dsw has a small, negative effect on student achievement. We also found that a 4dsw may decrease expenditures, but it also decreases revenue. The full paper can be found here.

At first glance, it may not make sense how a district would not see significant cost savings from a 4dsw—but the cost and revenue structure of districts is key.

A large majority of costs are tied up in stable salaries and fixed expenses, which remain largely unchanged regardless of the calendar structure. Therefore, savings that can be realized are related to variable costs, like food service, transportation, and electricity for school buildings.

While districts can reduce costs by scaling back these variable services, many of these services also have associated revenue streams. For example, with a 4dsw, there are fewer lunches served, but at the same time, there are also fewer lunches paid for—either by students or the federal government. The reduction in costs is often mirrored by a comparable reduction in revenue.

As districts evaluate their budgets during this time, they should focus on addressing unnecessary structural costs. A switch to a 4dsw should not be made to save money unless a district has gone through the hard work of documenting that it will actually see significant savings.

Public Education in Missouri Is Shrinking

Since its peak in 2007, Missouri’s public school enrollment has dropped by about 40,000 students. Analyses of trends in private school enrollment and homeschooling in the state suggest that about half of those students switched to a non-public school option. The other half? They weren’t born.

The size of Missouri’s kindergarten classes is getting smaller. The birth rate peaked in the state in 2008. Five years later, kindergarten enrollment in the state peaked at nearly 72,000 children. Since then it has steadily declined and total kindergarten enrollment is down by 10,000 students. The chart below illustrates the decline:

Missouri Public Schools Kindergarten Enrollment

It doesn’t take a demographer to see where total enrollment is going. Ultimately, every public school grade will be down by at least 10,000 students—which is a total of 130,000 from peak enrollment in the state.

There will no doubt be handwringing about teacher layoffs, school closings, and consolidation. But anyone who had been paying attention could have planned for this.  We’ve had a decade to adjust our perspective.

A Blueprint for Missouri in 2025

Download the full 2025 Blueprint here

In this episode, Susan Pendergrass, James Shuls, Elias Tsapelas, Aaron Hedlund, David Stokes, Patrick Tuohey, and Avery Frank join Zach Lawhorn to discuss The 2025 Blueprint: Moving Missouri Forward. They discuss topics like statewide school choice, income tax reform, local government transparency, Missouri’s Taxpayer Bill of Rights, nuclear energy policy, and more.

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About The 2025 Blueprint:

The Show-Me Institute’s mission is to advance liberty with individual responsibility by promoting market solutions for Missouri public policy. Our vision is for Missouri to be a place where entrepreneurs can pursue their dreams, parents are free to direct the education and upbringing of their children, and a growing economy provides opportunities for all. Critical to achieving this vision is a state government that understands the value of freedom in the lives and future of our people.

The 2025 Blueprint: Moving Missouri Forward explores 17 policy areas in which common-sense reform could immediately and positively impact everyday life for Missourians. Issues covered range from education and healthcare to unemployment insurance and budget reform. Each article identifies a problem that affects the citizens of our state, provides background information and analysis, proposes one or more solutions, and then boils the solutions down into actionable recommendations. We believe that the proposals our policy team has assembled can put Missouri on the path to a healthier economy, a better public education system, and a more vibrant and flourishing civil society.

Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

Absurd Light Rail Project Marches Onward

Metro is hosting a series of public meetings on its proposed new light rail line in St. Louis. Now called the “Green Line”—formerly called the north–south route—the proposed new line along Jefferson Avenue up and down St. Louis is as useless as it is expensive.

The “Green Line” is dependent on approximately $600 million in federal funds; funds I hope it doesn’t get. I suggest that cutting the national debt can start right here. As national politics affects local policy, I am hopeful that upcoming changes to federal policy will be the death of this plan. Indeed, some key voices, including Les Sterman, the past director of the East-West Gateway Council of Government, have recently called for the project to stop.

In 2004, MetroLink planners predicted there would be 80,000 boardings per day on MetroLink trains by 2025 in St. Louis, Missouri (that number excludes Illinois users). In the first quarter of 2024, there were about 18,800 actual boardings per weekday for the entire system, including Illinois (page 23 in link). (Ridership goes up slightly in the summer with baseball games, but not that much this summer, for obvious reasons.) We can just admit that MetroLink usage has been substantially less than projected. St. Louis should focus on serving the existing system as best it can instead of doubling down on failure with this latest expansion fantasy.

The “Green Line” plan only projects 5,000 boardings per day, at best. Even if that turned out to be accurate—and history suggests it won’t be—that is a very low number. Serving about 2,500 people per day (one person equals two boardings, on average) for over $1 billion is a terrible use of tax dollars. This project should not move forward.

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