Learning from Our Mistakes: A Funding Formula Cap

In my youth, I made some irresponsible financial decisions. The first thing I purchased on a credit card was a tennis racket; I don’t even play tennis. Then, of course, there was the college spring break trip to Panama City that was put on the credit card. Now, a decade later, I’m still paying for many of those unsound fiscal decisions. It may sound strange, but in many ways Missouri’s education funding system is in the same boat—decisions made long ago continue to plague us today.

After Missouri’s school funding system was challenged in the courts, lawmakers went to work and put in place a new school funding formula in 2005. The plan was to phase in the new, more expensive formula over a number of years. Lawmakers realized that the formula could potentially grow at a rate that made it impossible to fully fund, so they put in place a cap. The cap restricted growth to five percent over a two-year period.

In 2009, while the formula was still in its youth, lawmakers removed the cap, allowing the state’s obligations to grow at a rapid pace. Lawmakers were expecting a financial boon from lottery proceeds—which, of course, didn’t pan out. At the same time, Missouri and the rest of the country experienced one of the largest economic downturns in recent memory.

Today, our foundation formula for public schools is underfunded by roughly $500 million. This shortfall can be tied directly to the legislature’s unsound fiscal decision to remove the cap, along with the Great Recession of 2009.

 Some might scoff at what I’m suggesting. They’ll say, “The problem is that the legislature just needs to value education more and put more money into the formula.” There is just one problem with that. Believe it or not, more funding actually exacerbates the problem. Let me explain.

When I make a payment on my credit card debt, the next month’s payment is lower. However, when lawmakers increase funding for the foundation formula, it triggers an increase in the funding that will be required for the next go-round. This occurs because the formula is updated bi-annually based on how much a select group of districts spend per pupil.  The legislature gives districts more money, the formula gets recalculated based on this new spending, and the target moves ever upward.    

We have created a vicious circle in which more spending begets more spending.

Now, the legislature is considering reinstating the five-percent cap. This would not necessarily fix the perpetually increasing funding cycle, but it would slow it down. It would make it more feasible for lawmakers to fully fund the foundation formula.

We all make unwise financial decisions from time to time. The key is to learn from our mistakes and correct them. I stopped buying things, especially things like tennis rackets, with credit cards. Some lawmakers have realized that removing the cap has created an untenable situation where we will never be able to fully fund the foundation formula for public schools. Reinstating the cap is one step toward fixing that problem. 

Tax Levy Election Results

Yesterday, school districts across the state asked their residents to increase property taxes to provide more funding for their schools.  Several weeks ago, we provided information sheets on these votes to help citizens make informed choices as to whether or not they thought their districts needed more money. 

The results were a mixed bag, with six issues passing and five failing. Here are the results:

Chillicothe R-II 37¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: PASSED

Columbia 65¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: PASSED

Laclede 49¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: PASSED

Niangua 93¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: FAILED

Maplewood-Richmond Heights 50¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: PASSED

Marshfield R-I 50¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: FAILED

Mexico 40¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: FAILED

Newburg R-II 96¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: FAILED

Ft. Zumwalt R-II 48¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: PASSED

Saint Louis City 75¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: PASSED

West Plains R-VII 95¢ per $100 in assessed value tax levy increase: FAILED

We also followed two other ballot issues. Here are the results from those:

Hickman Mills “No Tax Increase” Bond: PASSED

Ladue 38¢ per $100 in assessed value debt levy increase: PASSED

(I’ll check back on the results in the coming days to see if there are any changes.)

So what do we make of all of this?  A few thoughts:

  1. It appears that the largest of the tax levies (93¢ in Niangua, 95¢ in West Plains, and 96¢ in Newburg) failed. Those levies meant hundreds of additional dollars in taxation for property owners. Folks were clearly skeptical that so much money was necessary. 
  2. Urban and suburban districts’ measures fared better than those in rural areas. St. Louis, Columbia, and Maplewood-Richmond Heights’ levies all passed, as did the measures in Hickman Mills and Ladue.
  3. Saint Louis was able to simultaneously pass the earnings tax and a school tax levy. I think there is every reason to be concerned that this may continue to push people out of the city as they are asked to pay more and more to a city that hollows out its tax base via TIF and a school system that routinely fails to make the grade.

We’re going to stay on top of these tax levy issues. Be on the lookout for another round of analysis before the next slate of elections in November.

Want to Make College More Affordable? Stack Credentials.

“Is college worth it?” This question is being asked more and more as the cost of tuition continues to rise. During a recent presidential debate, it was stated that “welders make more than philosophers”; the implication was that those who go to trade schools often make more than those who earned a traditional college degree. While going to college is about more than just earning a paycheck, labor market outcomes are something we should consider.

Business leaders have voiced concerns over how unprepared recent graduates are to enter into the workforce, many of them citing the lack of applicable skills as a major problem. The Alabama Community College System projected that over the next year, 5,000 skilled worker jobs will need to be filled in southwest Alabama alone. 

Having recognized this problem, several states are backing programs that would allow students enrolled in vocational training programs to earn credentials at a faster rate, continue to build on those credentials, and keep them no matter where they move. They are considered portable and stackable. Portable in the sense that, as the McGraw-Hill Research Foundation notes, they are “trusted by employers and educational institutions throughout the country… they would be independently verified or accredited”; and “stackable” in the sense that they can be combined with each other to earn industry certifications or even associate’s or bachelor’s degrees.

An example of a portable credential is the National Career Readiness Certificate. This credential measures the test-taker’s ability to solve problems, think and read critically, and understand and use work-related text. The certificate is recognized in 42 states and can be used by employers to help predict an applicant’s ability to succeed in the workplace.

Virginia addressed the need for skilled workers in 2008 by creating the Virginia Career Pathways System. This system includes training programs like apprenticeships so students can earn credit toward a certificate or degree while also getting hands-on training.

Mississippi created a similar system in 2005 that has 4 levels of skills achievement. It starts with an Adult Basic Education Certificate, then moves on to a Manufacturing Skills Basic Certification. At the next level, students can choose the manufacturing skill they want to learn in depth and enroll in a program devoted to it. Finally, the industry knowledge they acquire can be used for college credits toward a degree.

Stackable credentials are more flexible than traditional degrees, appear more in tune with what employers want, and may be collected over time at a lower cost. They are a promising way to help students get the preparation they need to be successful in the job market.

Job Growth in Missouri: Depends on Where You Live

Missouri’s nonfarm employment growth over the past year significantly lags nearly every other state. The picture is somewhat brighter for several of Missouri’s metropolitan areas, however.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics’ recent data release (http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/metro.pdf) allows us to compare job creation in Missouri to that in other states over the past year. Between January 2015 and January 2016 the number of employees on nonfarm payrolls in Missouri increased by only 0.7 percent. (The figures used in this report are based on non–seasonally adjusted data.) Though better than in the six states where employment numbers actually declined, Missouri’s job growth is much slower than that of most other states: Missouri ranks 38th in new nonfarm employment growth over the past year. And when compared with its neighbors, Missouri’s record of job growth is below average (1%), and notably worse than Tennessee (3.2%) and Arkansas (2.3%).

Missouri’s job growth was weak, but is this reflective of the metropolitan areas? The table below shows that, on average, jobs increased at a 1.6 percent rate across the eight metropolitan areas. The percent change in nonfarm employment ranges from a high of 4.6 percent in Columbia to a low of 0.5 percent in Cape Girardeau. In Kansas City and St. Louis, the two metropolitan areas that together account for about 85 percent of nonfarm employment in Missouri, job growth outpaced the rest of the state: In Kansas City nonfarm employment increased by 2 percent while in St. Louis it rose by 1.2 percent.

Area

Percent change in nonfarm payrolls

Missouri

0.7

Cape Girardeau

0.5

Columbia

4.6

Jefferson City

1.2

Joplin

0.3

Kansas City

2.0

St. Joseph

0.6

St. Louis

1.2

Springfield

2.4

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics

Ridesharing Regulations Pass Missouri House

Recently, the Missouri House approved legislation that creates state-level regulations for ridesharing services like Uber and Lyft. The bill in question, HB 2330, would require ridesharing companies to provide insurance, pay permitting fees, and ensure certain consumer protections. It would also prohibit local governments from adding any additional restrictions on these companies.

We’ve written about ridesharing regulations in Missouri many times before, and we have submitted testimony on HB 2330 specifically. While state regulation of industries is not something the legislature should consider lightly, in the case of ridesharing, local government intransigence invites state-level intervention. For instance, in Saint Louis City and County, the Saint Louis Metropolitan Taxicab Commission has fought tooth and nail against the entry of Lyft and Uber. Far from embodying the ideal of local control, the commission, half of whose members are representatives of existing taxi companies, uses the state’s enabling legislation as an argument for why it cannot accommodate the entrance of ridesharing services.

The problem of local regulatory bodies trying to block ridesharing companies is not limited to Saint Louis; it's a nationwide phenomenon. In response, 30 states (including all of Missouri’s neighbors save Iowa) have approved statewide ridesharing regulations similar to those proposed in HB 2330.

Map of ridesharing legislation by state

Ridesharing can provide increased services and employment opportunities in Missouri’s urban areas, and efforts to allow these types of companies to operate safely and effectively could benefit the entire state. Whether or not HB 2330 becomes law, Missouri cities should reform their ridesharing regulations.

Could a Fuel Tax Increase Get on the Ballot in Missouri?

Recently, the Missouri State Senate gave preliminary approval for a 5.9 cent fuel tax increase proposal to go before the voters this year. The bill in question, Senate Bill 623, originally proposed a 1.5-cent increase in the regular fuel tax and a 3.5-cent increase in the diesel fuel tax. That proposal would not have had to go before voters. The new proposal, which could raise an additional $165 million per year for the state highway system, gives Missourians a chance to accept or reject the idea of a fuel tax increase.

We’ve discussed fuel taxes on this blog many times before, and have made the case that it is a fair and sound method of funding state highways. Missouri has one of the lowest fuel taxes in the country, and even if voters approve the tax increase Missouri will still have a lower tax than Illinois, Kansas, and Iowa. However, given the increased revenue the Missouri Department of Transportation (MoDOT) has received in recent years, a 5.9-cent increase may be a bit high. Another less-appealing aspect of the proposal is that the tax increase would apply equally to regular and diesel fuel, even though a large truck does far more damage to roadways than a passenger vehicle. The bill is far from being passed and improvements can still be made, perhaps lowering the total amount of the proposed increase and reintroducing a higher rate for diesel fuel.

Should the Missouri Senate give the proposal final approval, the House would also have to pass the measure before it could go on the ballot in the fall.

To read more about funding MoDOT and State Highway System, read out new paper here.  

The Saint Louis City Earnings Tax: Lifeline or Noose?

On April 2, Show-Me Institute Fellow and Senior Writer Andrew B. Wilson gave a speech on the Earnings Tax to the Missouri Progressive Action Group at the Saint Louis County Library. These were his prepared remarks.

On Tuesday, April 5, Saint Louis voters will decide whether to extend the city’s 1 percent earnings tax for five more years.

Without a doubt, this is a hugely important decision.

In inviting me to talk to you, Ron Zager (co-chairman of the Missouri Progressive Action Group), asked that I begin by presenting both sides of the argument—for and against the earnings tax .

I am happy to do so. It makes for an interesting—and even a startling—contrast.

Supporters cite three principal reasons for extending the earnings tax:

  1. It is simple, fair, and easy to collect. Businesses withhold $1 out of every $100 from the paychecks of all of their employees and pay it directly to the city. They also pay a 1 percent tax on their net profits.
  2. It brings in a lot of revenue—almost as much as the combined receipts from the city’s property, sales, and utility taxes. It provides a third of the city’s General Revenue Fund, used to support fire, police, courts, streets, parks, recreation, and other day-to-day city services.
  3. A large portion of this revenue is like manna from heaven. People who commute into Saint Louis from the surrounding suburbs account for more than half of the city’s annual earnings tax receipts of about $160 million. And why not? The high-earning commuters are significant consumers of city services, swelling the daytime population of the city by about 35 percent.

To sum up the case in favor of retention: The earnings tax is critical to the continued functioning of city and the continued provision of police and other services to a population that includes a high proportion of low-income residents. It is a real lifeline. The city would be in danger of going bankrupt without it.

Opponents have three main reasons of their own for eliminating or phasing out the earnings tax:

  1. It encourages people and businesses to move out of the city.
  2. It also encourages an ongoing merry-go-round of tax carve-outs and special favors for large and well-known firms. The city does not extend the same benefits to thousands of smaller businesses, which take care of most of the daily needs of people who live in the city, such as the neighborhood grocer, cleaners, pharmacist, or auto repair shop.
  3. Though not a regressive tax (applying the same 1 percent to people at all income levels), it is a cruel one. Unlike federal and state income taxes, there is no exemption from the city earning tax for working people at or below the poverty line. The tax hits the first dollar of income even from the lowest-paying jobs. A still greater problem is the narrowing of job opportunities in parts of the city experiencing a rapid out-migration of people and the closure of many small businesses.

The minuses are really the flip side of the pluses I have just mentioned.

Yes, the earning tax is easy to collect, but it is also easy to avoid. As a business owner, you can avoid the tax on your net profits simply by moving your business to the suburbs—anywhere outside the city. There is no earnings tax in Clayton, here in Frontenac, or anywhere else in Saint Louis County and other surrounding counties and municipalities. If you did move your business, many or even most of your employees who already live in the county would, out of their own self-interest, applaud your decision. And others who live in the city would be given a reason to move to the county.

Yes, the earnings tax pays many big bills for the city. By the same token, it provides a strong incentive for individuals and businesses—who have bills of their own to pay—to relocate in order to avoid the tax.

By collecting more than half of earning tax revenue from commuters, the city is (inadvertently) making a powerful argument for downtown-based law firms and other businesses with a large number of highly paid employees to take flight—for both economic and personal reasons. At one stroke a firm can give many of its officers and employees an instant 1 percent raise while sparing them the bother of a long commute. So what can the city do to prevent such businesses from moving?

If you are the sitting mayor or other high-ranking city official, here’s the answer: Offer big potential flight risks all kinds of tax breaks and other incentives to stay downtown. Find ways to abate property taxes to keep prestigious firms from leaving downtown. Waive the half-percent payroll tax (separate from the earnings tax) for large employers such as Anthem and Wells Fargo. And lobby the state for more handouts.

But of course, given your obsession with preserving earning tax receipts, you do that only for the big guys and you forget all about the little guys who are so numerous (even in decline) that you know little or nothing about them.

A classic example of how this works can be taken from 2011, when Stifel Financial Corp., which has had its corporate headquarters in downtown Saint Louis since 1890, announced plans to buy its downtown office building and expand its workforce in the city by a couple hundred people. Mayor Francis Slay called it “tremendous news for the future of downtown.” He also helped Stifel get some $17 million in public financing for the purchase and renovation of the building.

Why would a large and successful financial firm need help in feathering its own nest? Ron Kruszewski, Stifel’s CEO, said it all: “There’s very little investment going on right now without some incentives.”

That prompted Bill McClellan of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch to comment in one of his columns: “When liberals like me argue for comprehensive health care, critics call us socialists. But when businesspeople demand public money to underwrite their projects, hardly anyone says anything.”

(I’ll take issue with McClellan on one point here: There is at least one institution that has fiercely and consistently opposed all forms of corporate welfare and crony capitalism, whether it is providing public funds for new corporate headquarters, public funds for professional sports stadiums, or any other kind of commercial development. That is the Show-Me Institute.)

To sum up the minuses: the earnings tax is a tax on work and enterprise, and when you tax something, you get less of it. In this case that means fewer jobs and less growth. The earnings tax has also encouraged unfair and unwise favoritism in tax practices—decisions made up on the fly to keep big-name businesses from bolting to the county. It’s time for a long look at Saint Louis city government—how it is financed and, more fundamentally, how it thinks.

Let us take a moment to consider decade-to-decade changes in the relative importance of Saint Louis among major cities in the United States over a long period of time—both before and after the introduction of the earnings tax in 1954.

According to census data, the last time Saint Louis moved upward in the ranks of U.S. cities was in the 1890s. The population grew from 452,000 people at the beginning of the decade to 575,000 in 1900, and Saint Louis moved from being the 5th largest city in the country to the 4th (behind New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia).

Of course, that was just prior to the Saint Louis World’s Fair. In that same amazing year of 1904, Saint Louis also hosted the world’s third modern Olympics—following the 1900 Olympics in Paris and the 1896 Olympics in Athens.

Saint Louis held onto 4th place until the 1920 census, when it was overtaken by Detroit and Cleveland, dropping to 6th. It was passed by Los Angeles in 1930 and Baltimore in 1940, falling to 8th. It remained in that spot in the 1950 census—when the city’s population hit an all-time peak of 857,000.

At that point the city’s population went into a steep decline that continues to this day. Since 1950, its population has dropped from close to 900,000 to a little more than 300,000—discarding almost two-thirds of its human body weight—and Saint Louis has gone from being the 8th-largest city in the country down to the 60th, behind such places as Tulsa, Oklahoma, and Wichita, Kansas.

It would be absurd to place all or even most the blame for this decline on the earnings tax. It would be equally absurd to deny that the earnings tax has made a significant contribution to the depopulation of the city and the growth of surrounding areas.

For one thing, we know that downtown Saint Louis no longer rules the roost as the unchallenged commercial center of the Saint Louis region. Clayton has become a strong second center, and other places around the county are also filled with offices and business enterprises. It is only in Saint Louis City that you find acres and acres of abandoned houses, deserted storefronts, and boarded-up factories.

Here’s a statistic that may surprise you: There are now more people who commute into Saint Louis County . . . both from the city and from Saint Charles and other counties . . . than there are people who commute into the city from the county or other jurisdictions. There are 236,000 people commuting into the county versus 172,000 commuting into the city, according to recent census data.

Somehow, Clayton and other municipalities receiving this great daily influx of commuters have been able to handle it . . . without instituting an earnings tax or having everything from the streets to public safety fall to pieces. Why is it any different for the city of Saint Louis? Why is the city unable to cope without taxing the earnings of people who come there to work?

Let’s turn then to the question of whether it is possible to phase out the earnings tax without throwing the city into bankruptcy and fulfilling the worst predictions.

Bear in mind that the proposal on Tuesday’s ballot in the city calls for phasing out the earnings tax over 10 years—whittling away at a $160 million funding gap that would occur in the year 2026 through spending cuts or revenue enhancements averaging $16 million a year between now and then.

Is $16 million a year too tall a mountain to climb? Somehow, in the city’s desperate efforts in recent months to persuade the Rams and the NFL to keep the team in Saint Louis, the city funneled $16 million through the Saint Louis Convention & Visitors Center Commission to pay legal fees and other expenses in what turned out to be a losing effort.

Before that, Mayor Slay and Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon were prepared to raise about $400 million to pay for a large portion of the cost of building a new downtown stadium for the Rams. That alone would have equaled the revenues from the earnings tax over a two-and-a-half-year period.

If almost any large business you can imagine were to lose customers year after year—eventually losing more than half of its business base—you would expect it to downsize drastically, if not go out of business.

Why is it—despite the steady, continuing loss in population—that the city’s budget continues to grow, if only slowly, from one year to the next, with few if any large reductions in its workforce?

Faced with such questions, city officials typically shift the focus to public safety, saying they need more rather than fewer police and firemen. Public safety accounts for a little over half of general funds expenditures. Why, then, is it so hard to trim the other expenditures that make up about 45 percent of the budget?

There are other ways that the city can either cut expenditures or raise revenues besides the shock of instituting sudden and drastic increases in property or sales taxes. It could raise hefty sums of money by privatizing assets such as the airport or the water system.

It could also make a serious effort to raise some revenue from its large nonprofit institutions. As Post-Dispatch business columnist David Nicklaus pointed out in a recent article:

These universities and hospitals depend on city service but don’t pay property taxes. Boston and other cities have negotiated payments from their big nonprofits; Saint Louis could try to do the same. Eliminating the 1 percent earnings tax should make it easier for these institutions to attract and retain employees; wouldn’t they pay something to make the tax go away?

But none of those things is going to happen without a fundamental change in thinking on the part of city officials who have come to look upon the earnings tax as the sine qua non of Saint Louis city governance.

Following the last election, when voters re-approved the earnings tax, city officials heaved a sigh of relief, agreed that the tax did indeed put the city at a competitive disadvantage, and promised to study alternatives. That was five years ago. And since then they have done nothing.

Maybe if the vote is closer this time, they will begin to think differently. But maybe not. Maybe they will just go on hoping for miracles while continuing to pursue policies that have contributed the city’s decline and fall from the heights it once occupied as a great American city.

Who Really Wins or Loses with NGA Deal?

City politicians are happy this week: nothing has to change. The NGA announced that Saint Louis was their preferred location for their new campus. A few dozen families will be kicked out of their homes to make room for the NGA, but the people in charge can avoid another embarrassing relocation away from the city, like with the Rams or Hardee’s.

As with any action from the Saint Louis city government, there are winners and losers. The obvious winner here is the land developer behind the NorthSide Regeneration project, which will get what amounts to a bailout with this deal. The city as a whole? Saint Louis will pay for the land it will turn over (at no charge) to the NGA. Because the NGA was already located in Saint Louis, the effect on the city economy will be minimal. The NGA may add more jobs, but nothing that one could expect to reverse Saint Louis’s long decline.

Population graph: Saint Louis City vs. Saint Charles County

The families who will be forced out of their homes are the ones losing out. They face an uncertain future, and if the NGA’s decision is finalized, they’ll need to navigate the eminent domain process and find new places to live.

In Saint Louis, political officials seem to prefer looking for shortcuts to development and lack enthusiasm for pursuing the hard but boring path to civic success: low taxes, a level economic playing field, and quality essential services. Meanwhile, those without political connections or wealth are swept aside.

Will things ever change for this city?

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