A Taxing-District Win for Taxpayers

Though this year’s legislative session was a little different than most, Missourians did get some legislative wins. A provision in House Bill 1854 is one of those wins. Amongst various other things (some good and some not so good), the bill includes important reforms for community improvement districts (CIDs) and transportation development districts (TDDs).

Show-Me Institute researchers have pointed out numerous problems with these small taxing districts. One big problem is that many of these taxing districts were not subject to a broad-based, representative vote for approval. Previously, these districts could impose a tax on purchases within the district if the tax were approved by voters within the district. However, these districts can be so small that they sometimes only contain one commercial building, which means that a tax could be approved by one commercial landowner’s vote. It’s sometimes the case that these taxing districts are enacted through private interest and increase costs for taxpayers without their permission.

The new legislation attempts to fix that problem, adopting a policy solution that Show-Me researchers have previously suggested. The bill requires that new taxes created by CIDs or TDDs be approved by the majority of the voters within the municipality that contains the taxing district, not just the voters within the taxing district.

This legislation gives voters more of a say when it comes to tax increases and could also increase transparency by bringing tax increases to the attention of the public. If the costs of projects funded by CIDs and TDDs are going to be externalized to taxpayers, it’s only fair that taxpayers get a say in the process. This law gives taxpayers more representation and could help slow the growth of special-taxing districts in Missouri—and that’s a clear win for taxpayers.

 

St. Louis Lawmakers Should Stay Out of Business Decisions

A St. Louis Alderman has submitted a board bill that contains a number of measures relating to food delivery services. The part that seems particularly egregious is a mandate that caps delivery fees that third-party delivery services can charge restaurants in the city at five percent. For those unfamiliar, third-party apps like DoorDash and Postmates will deliver food to customers on behalf of restaurants, but they charge restaurants a delivery fee for the service. 

This proposal is an attempt to protect local restaurants by giving them a larger share of revenue earned, but it’s a governmental overstep; government should not be involved in these agreements between private businesses.

This excerpt from a St. Louis Post-Dispatch article highlights two important points:

 . . . depending on the contract negotiated between an eatery and an app platform, the platforms sometimes charge anywhere from 25% to 50% per item.

The first point is that the contracts were negotiated between a restaurant and a food delivery service, meaning that the delivery rates were agreed upon by both parties. Neither was forced to comply, and either could have backed out if they deemed the deal harmful for their business. Why mandate different rates when the rates were agreed to voluntarily by all parties involved?

This brings us to the second point from the excerpt: The agreed-upon delivery fees seem to be well above the proposed five-percent cap right now. The current rates, no matter how high, are the product of negotiations in the market. The five-percent cap seems to be an arbitrary number that would allow lawmakers to drastically change a market and pick winners (restaurants) and losers (delivery services).  

And what happens if we cap the delivery fee? We would probably see delivery drivers being paid less, and fewer delivery drivers in general. We would also see fewer options for delivery in the City of St. Louis, as it wouldn’t be profitable for delivery services to work with city restaurants. This industry is already struggling mightily when it comes to profit; most food delivery services lose money and the big companies stay afloat due to heavy venture capital investment.

This proposal, if passed, would be a bad move for St. Louis businesses and consumers. If two businesses have agreed to a delivery rate, why do lawmakers need to insert themselves into the situation? Lawmakers should let the market work.

 

An Incentive Package for Tesla May Not Benefit Joplin

Tesla is in search of a site for a new manufacturing plant, and Joplin has put itself in the running by offering $1 billion in incentives. The website that Joplin created lists the incentives, which includes a tax abatement for 12 years, tax credits, and sales tax exemptions. It seems Tesla would benefit from this deal, but would Joplin?

Measuring the success of economic development packages is challenging because it’s almost impossible to tell if any growth is actually due to the incentive package. Economic growth may have occurred without the incentivized project and new projects can happen without incentives. Research suggests that 75 percent of incentivized firms would have made the same location choice even without the incentive.

On top of that, the incentivized investments don’t always pay off. Tesla plans to build a large factory that could employ up to 7,000 people, but we’ve seen companies fail to live up to promises before (such as with Cerner in Kansas City). There’s really no guarantee that new jobs or infrastructure will come to the city as promised. Even if the jobs or infrastructure do arrive, it still might not be a net positive for the city, given the cost of the incentives. One study found that the costs and benefits of incentive packages are typically the same.

As I’ve previously pointed out, it’s probably not the best time to be giving out incentive packages. Government budgets are expected to be extremely tight due to COVID-19 and the resulting economic shutdown. Why should new, big businesses receive tax breaks while the citizens and businesses suffering through this pandemic in Joplin are left with their full tax burden?

With no guaranteed benefit and potential budget issues looming, offering $1 billion in incentives doesn’t seem like a great idea, and it definitely doesn’t seem like a good deal for Joplin’s citizens.

 

Missouri Needs Tax Credit Reform Now More than Ever

As state policymakers scrambled last week to pass a balanced budget, they appeared to miss what was right in front of them. Instead of potentially cutting funds from state priorities such as education, Missouri should stop wasting hundreds of millions of dollars each year on failing tax credit programs.

In 2018, Missouri lost out on nearly $600 million dollars in state revenues due to its numerous tax credit programs. The worst offender was the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC). As I’ve written before, LIHTC has been a historically bad investment for Missouri taxpayers. Not only does less than half of LIHTC spending go toward building affordable housing, Missouri’s program doesn’t even increase the supply of available housing for low-income residents.

Missouri stopped matching federal LIHTCs after 2017, yet developers are still building affordable housing in Missouri. In the two following years, data from the Missouri Housing Development Commission show the number of affordable housing projects has remained largely unchanged. In other words, housing developers have found ways to build the same amount of housing units with half (Missouri previously matched federal LIHTCs on a one to one basis) the government investment. Despite the many claims that Missouri’s portion of the program was necessary to spur investment, our state’s experience is now the perfect example of how one-size-fits-all economic development policy fails to deliver.

Lessons from Missouri’s LIHTC program should also guide our policymaker’s tough budgetary decisions going forward. Scaling back or ending many of Missouri’s tax credit programs won’t necessarily be easy, and it won’t completely fix the state’s ongoing revenue problems, but it’s the right decision for state taxpayers. Many Missourians are currently finding ways to get by with less, and it’s only reasonable to expect their government to do the same. By leaving LIHTC dormant and reforming Missouri’s tax credit programs today, policymakers can improve our state’s financial outlook for years to come.

 

What to Do About Medicaid?

The hole Medicaid has blown in Missouri’s budget is about to get bigger. Medicaid’s costs are expected to grow by more than $500 million over the next year. To make things worse, the state projects it will collect significantly fewer tax revenues over the same period due to the COVID-19 crisis. Taken together, policymakers may soon be forced to reform Medicaid.

The COVID-19 crisis is putting tremendous strain on Missouri’s budget. Beyond the health care costs of treating those infected with the virus, the resulting economic fallout has led to more people being eligible for Medicaid. And with businesses closing their doors and fewer people working, Missouri is collecting less in sales and income taxes, which are relied upon to cover Medicaid’s costs.

Growing Medicaid is not a new problem for Missouri, but for years elected officials have found ways of balancing the budget that don’t require major changes to the program. What we don’t know yet is whether Missouri’s experience with COVID-19 will make this time any different.

The federal government has suggested it will offer some additional support to help with state budget woes, supplementing the funding already sent to states through the CARES Act. But those funds are coming with strings attached and there is no guarantee that they will be enough to plug Missouri’s budgetary hole. In fact, the “strings” attached to the CARES Act funding included a prohibition on state Medicaid agencies checking whether people enrolled in the program are even eligible to receive benefits, which could lead to higher future spending. Are policymakers comfortable sitting idly by and hoping the federal aid will be sufficient?

My colleagues and I have written extensively (here, here, and here) about the many ways to improve Medicaid through programmatic reform. And just over a year ago, the state commissioned its own audit that included a list of suggestions that would help control spending. Policymakers have all the resources they need, and reforming Medicaid has never been more urgent. All that is left to do is to act.

 

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