Denied Entrance at the Port of Call

It is often said that government taxes and spends like drunken sailors, and that metaphor is particularly appropriate when referring to Missouri’s local port districts. Port districts are another one of those beloved quasi-governmental agencies. If there is one thing we have too much of in Missouri, it is quasi-governmental agencies.

Port districts exist, in theory, to build and manage port facilities along rivers. When they actually focus on that job, I have no complaints. But in reality, many of the port districts are focused on other things, such as granting tax subsidies or engaging in government corruption. (The latter is less common, thankfully.)

The City of St. Louis’s port authority legitimately operates port facilities along the Mississippi. However, it is also substantially engaged in the granting of tax subsidies, usually for businesses that have absolutely nothing to do with rivers or shipping. For example, the port authority passed a one-cent special “port” sales tax for the St. Louis soccer team to be charged at the soccer stadium that the team gets to keep for its own purposes. (The soccer team has stated that it will use those funds to fix groundwater issues, so I guess it’s at least related to water.)

That was the city’s first “port” sales tax. Now there is a hotel, retail, and condo redevelopment downtown that also wants in on the game. The Jefferson Arms redevelopment has also requested a “port” sales tax of one percent. This is on top of the tax-increment financing subsidy it has already received, as well as the state and federal historic tax credits it got, and the community improvement district and transportation development district extra sales taxes it has applied for and will likely receive. Could it be that the developer wants to socialize the risk and cost, while privatizing the profit?

But a strange thing happened when the developer and its consultants tried to get the sales tax approved by the port authority. The port board said, “Wait, not just yet.” (Trust me, I wish I could say it said “no,” but the vote was tabled, not defeated.)

As Commissioner William Kay Jr. noted at the hearing: “If all three districts are approved, the Jefferson Arms building would have the highest sales tax rate in the city at 12.67%. We’ve got the CID, we’ve got the TDD—the tax rate right now will be 11.67%,” Kay said. “That’s the high mark for the city. I do not think the port authority needs to get into the business of subsidizing these projects.”

Let me reiterate: the Jefferson Arms project has nothing to do with a port. The use of port authorities to create one more tax subsidy opportunity in St. Louis, Kansas City, or anywhere else is terrible public policy. It’s great to see one agency say “not yet.” Hopefully, that “not yet” becomes a “no” in the future, both for this instance and many other subsidy proposals around the state.

Furthermore, the state legislature should remove the ability of port districts to issue tax subsidies or institute new sales taxes. Ports should be funded with user fees to the largest extent possible, and should not be another tool in the corporate welfare toolbox.

Does Democratic Accountability Work in Public Education?

I used to believe that local school board elections were an effective tool for holding public schools accountable, but I don’t anymore.

On the surface, school board elections seem like they should serve an accountability role. The logic is straightforward: if school policies veer too far left or right, or if schools underperform, voters can replace the board. School board members, knowing they can be removed, enact representative and sensible policies to avoid this fate.

However, in practice, it doesn’t work this way.

One reason is that school board elections are usually held off-cycle, when voter turnout is low. This gives outsized influence to organized interest groups—namely teachers’ unions—even though they represent a small fraction of the population. There is clear evidence that teachers’ unions have great sway in school board elections. The result is that election outcomes reflect the will of a small segment of the population with high personal stakes.

This recently released study from the Annenberg Institute reinforces my skepticism about the value of democratic accountability. The authors analyzed data from over 50,000 school board elections across 16 states, including Missouri. They find that school board elections are often non-competitive. Over a third of elections are uncontested and, as in other elections (e.g., state and federal legislative elections), when incumbents run, they usually win (more than 80 percent of the time). Most school board turnover isn’t due to electoral defeat, but incumbents simply choosing not to run again.

The influence of interest groups like teachers’ unions likely contributes to these findings. Potential competitors for school board seats know that if they run against a union’s preferred candidate, they’ll lose. In the authors’ words, “if competitive races characterized by retrospective voting are indeed essential to the health of local democracy and public education, our results paint a grim picture.” (p. 4; note that “retrospective voting” is a political science term that means voters make decisions based on the past performance of the party or candidate in power.)

So, democratic accountability in education is not what we want it to be. Can it be fixed? I’m not optimistic, but one change that would help would be to move school board elections onto the same cycle as general elections. This would increase voter turnout and reduce the influence of interest groups, though the interest groups would fight such a change. It would also help if we had more transparent reporting about school performance. There is no denying that local voters are apathetic about schools, but maybe if voters in low-performing districts better understood school performance, they would be more inclined to act.

Even if changes like these help, democratic accountability is unlikely to become a powerful lever for change. This strengthens the case for investing in alternative approaches: market-based accountability, and even top-down accountability from the state.

Missouri’s Stagnant Reading Scores

The COVID-19 pandemic began over five years ago. Students in 7th grade during the initial phase of remote learning are now packing up and moving to college. While those days are thankfully behind us, student achievement has been slow to recover.

The slow road to recovery is illustrated in the recently released preliminary results of the 2025 Missouri Assessment Program (MAP). The most recent data indicate modest improvements in mathematics, and average scores in at least some grades that are finally eclipsing pre-pandemic levels. However, the state’s stagnant reading scores continue to be a source of concern, as reading scores remain below their pre-pandemic levels in all tested grades.

Figure 1 summarizes MAP trends in the Show-Me State, including preliminary scores from the 2024–2025 school year:

Figure 1: Missouri Assessment Program (MAP) English/Language Arts Mean Scale Scores by Grade Level, 2018–2025

Source: Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education

In Figure 1, the mean scale scores represent the student body’s performance as a whole. There are several important takeaways from this figure:

  • Across all grades, Missouri’s reading scores have yet to return to pre-pandemic levels.
  • Except for scores in the 3rd and 5th grades, reading scores are lower now than they were in 2020–21, when the pandemic was still strongly affecting in-person schooling.

Clearly, there is still work to be done.

Potential Solutions

This post is not meant to be doom and gloom—there is hope. States such as Indiana, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Tennessee have shown that student literacy can improve substantially with the right reforms.

These states have adopted early literacy policies that are effective, though sometimes unpopular: mandatory third-grade retention, eliminating three-cueing for teaching reading, and ensuring teacher preparation programs teach evidence-based reading practices.

Other states have proved that early literacy reforms can work. The 2026 legislative session is an opportunity to take meaningful steps toward improving educational outcomes in Missouri by taking reading reform more seriously.

Connecting Nuclear Energy’s Past and Present: Guiding Missouri’s Future

Nuclear power provides nearly 20% of electricity in the United States, yet new construction has stalled even as demand rises. This report examines the past and present of nuclear energy and outlines how Missouri can position itself for a reliable, affordable, and clean energy future.

Click here to read the full report.

Faith-Based Charter Schools and the Future of School Choice with Andy Smarick

Susan Pendergrass speaks with Andy Smarick, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, about a recent U.S. Supreme Court case that could reshape the debate over faith-based charter schools. They explore the constitutional questions at the heart of the case, including the tension between the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause, and why a 4–4 split leaves the door open for future challenges. The conversation covers the potential role of religious organizations in public education, the importance of accountability in school choice programs, recent legal battles in Missouri and Wyoming, and how shifting public opinion may change the K–12 landscape in the years ahead.

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Timestamps

00:00 Introduction to Charter Schools and Supreme Court Case
02:40 Constitutional Implications of Faith-Based Charter Schools
05:37 State vs. Federal Authority in Education
08:18 The Role of Accountability in School Choice
11:12 Recent Legal Developments in Education Funding
13:53 The Future of Faith-Based Charter Schools
16:47 The Rise of School Choice and Its Implications
19:34 Conclusion: The Evolving Landscape of Education

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Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

“It cost what?” —KC Streetcar Announces Opening of New Extension

A friend called me the other night. Fox4KC had just aired a story about the opening date of the latest Kansas City streetcar extension. They put the cost of the 3.5-mile route at $352 million. “Is that right,” they asked?

That certainly is the number Fox4KC reported. And that number does come from the Streetcar Authority itself.

At over $100 million per mile, Kansas City may have just built the most expensive streetcar system in the country. A quick search online seems to support this (see table below). While this places the KC streetcar extension as the most expensive of 2025, we will only hold that title for a short while. California’s Orange Country streetcar—dubbed the Trolley to Nowhere by our friends at the California Policy Center)—will blow past our cost-per-mile when it opens in 2026.

Randal O’Toole, who authored a Show-Me Institute policy study on various streetcar proposals in Kansas City, told me “the average for streetcars is about $91 million a mile.” Although he added, “Seattle wants to connect two streetcar lines together at a cost of $220 million a mile.” So maybe Orange County’s record will itself be short-lived.

Recall that the streetcar system has done nothing to drive up assessed market value of the properties along the route above that of the county as a whole. It has had no measurable economic impact—despite the continuing and unsubstantiated claims made by streetcar supporters.

At best, we in Kansas City can—for a short while—lay claim to the most expensive system in the country. Yay!

Streetcar cost table

 

 

Sun Fresh Failed Because of Subsidies, not Despite Them

On August 12, KCUR ran a story with the headline A troubled Kansas City grocery store has closed, despite $18 million in city investments.” I take a different view: the evidence suggests that Sun Fresh may have failed because of city investment—not despite it.

For more than a decade, Kansas City leaders treated Sun Fresh at 31st and Prospect as both a grocery store and a public policy tool to address food access and economic development. According to KCUR, the city has invested  $17 to $21 million since 2015, plus a $750,000 operating and security appropriation in May 2025. Yet customer traffic reportedly fell from about 14,000 a week to roughly 2,000–4,000 by mid-2025 (sources differ by date and estimate). According to The Washington Post, the store’s insurance costs rose 45% year-over-year, thefts mounted, and by this summer the store’s shelves were bare. Less than three months after the latest infusion of taxpayer money, the store closed.

This should not have been a surprise. I wrote as early as 2015 that the effort would fail. I saw this not because I’m imbued with a mystical power of prediction, but because I’m roughly familiar with some basic economic principles.

Friedrich Hayek described the price system as “a mechanism for communicating information” that enables millions of separate decisions to coordinate without central control. Prices, sales, and profit margins signal what customers want and whether a business can supply it sustainably. Subsidies blur those signals. Falling sales normally push owners to change their product mix, improve service, or close. If government funds fill the gap, a business may avoid—or delay—those choices until the underlying problems are too great to fix. This is exactly what happened with Sun Fresh.

Ludwig von Mises argued that without real market prices, decision-makers cannot allocate resources rationally. A subsidized store like Sun Fresh is insulated from these tests. Are prices too high? Is the product selection wrong? Are operating costs out of line? In a subsidy environment, these questions may go unanswered because survival depends more on political approval than on customer satisfaction.

And what do politicians want?  Ribbon cuttings and pretty pictures. Sound economics doesn’t photograph so well.

Adam Smith, in The Wealth of Nations, warned that the interests of producers and the public often diverge. A subsidized grocery may fulfill a political need to “do something” about food access, but it may not deliver what shoppers actually want at prices they will pay. If a store cannot sustain itself even with taxpayer support, the model—not the market—is the likely problem.

Supporters of the subsidies might argue that they were necessary to correct a market failure, and that the store’s closure proves even more support was needed. But the record suggests the opposite: prolonged subsidies masked underlying weaknesses, delayed inevitable closure, and diverted resources from other food-access efforts such as mobile markets, independent co-ops, or smaller-scale grants. Subsidies likely harmed other grocery stores as well, such as an ALDI on Prospect within about 1.5 miles.

Markets provide important information that no city hall central plan can replicate. Public funds cannot replace this information; they can only distort it. It’s true of sports stadia, entertainment districts, and the hotel industry. When those signals are ignored, the cost falls not only on taxpayers but also on the communities policymakers aim to help.

Lastly, and perhaps more importantly, this debacle is an example not only of the city doing what it shouldn’t, but also failing to do what it should. Many of the challenges the shopping center endured—theft, prostitution, open drug use, and violence—were the result of the city failing to do something we (should) all agree is a basic function of government: public safety.

Even if one believes subsidized stores could work, nothing can succeed amid the bedlam surrounding this store.

I wrote of this project in 2015: “When [the grocery store] fails, the city and its residents will be no better off than before, just poorer. And the infrastructure, crime, and education issues that really need to be addressed will be that much worse.” This is exactly where we are now.

What the New Federal K-12 Tax Credit Program Could Mean for Missouri

One of the most notable policies in the One Big Beautiful Bill (OBBB) is the establishment of the first-ever federal K-12 tax credit program, which could strengthen educational choice in Missouri and states across the nation. This new program allows taxpayers to donate to a scholarship-granting organization (SGO) that will distribute funds to families, who in turn can use them for private school tuition, special needs services, textbooks, tutoring, and more.

This is not a new concept for Missourians familiar with our similar state-level program, MOScholars.

How the Program Works

Each taxpayer can direct up to $1,700 of their federal tax liability to an SGO in any state rather than sending it to the IRS. While donor contributions are capped, there is no federal limit on the amount an eligible student may receive, or how many students are funded. SGOs determine funding allocation based on pre-set rules (evenly, tiered by income, etc.).

Participating SGOs must be federally recognized, legitimate nonprofits (not private foundations), and the governor or another state authority must approve the list of eligible SGOs. In Missouri, the State Treasurer’s Office approves organizations for MOScholars, so it may also have this role for the federal program as well.

State Participation

The federal program requires states to opt in to this new program. I expect Missouri will, but we have not declared our intent to participate at this point. The tax credit is slated to become available beginning in 2027.

If Missouri opts out, Missouri SGOs would not be eligible to receive or distribute federal funds. This means no Missouri students could benefit from the program. However, Missouri residents could still claim the federal credit by donating to an SGO in another participating state.

Participating in this program would complement MOScholars and bring even greater choice, flexibility, and opportunity to families around the state.

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