Teacher Shortages

Edudiva discovers compensating wage differentials:

I wondered if the maximum salary was tied to the median income level of the district. Seemed reasonable that the districts in wealthier areas would pay more. With a correlation number of -.26 though, that’s not the case.

Districts with lower income levels (and, presumably, harder-to-teach kids) offer teachers a little extra to make up for the more challenging working conditions. It’s easy to imagine what would happen if all districts had to pay teachers the same. Faced with a choice between earning $34,000 a year in an affluent district, or $34,000 a year in the inner city, almost every teacher would choose the affluent district. Same pay, better environment. A few dedicated people would still teach in the poorer districts, but it would nearly impossible for those districts to attract enough teachers.

Different districts don’t all have to pay teachers the same. But within districts, we do have that problem. Rigid salary schedules treat all teachers in a district the same, regardless of suject area or special circumstances. So new teachers are faced with a choice: earn $34,000 a year teaching special education, a difficult job that requires extensive training, or earn $34,000 a year teaching elementary language arts, which is not nearly so demanding. Consequently, there’s a teacher shortage in the most difficult subject areas. There are also shortages in math and science, because people with that knowledge could earn a lot more in industry.

Bad People Use the Internet – and Something Good Happens!

We’ve seen that cruel people can use the Internet to harass others. It turns out that stupid people even use the Internet to harass themselves. That’s right, two men who are "alleged" gang members waved weapons in the air and threatened police officers for a YouTube video. (Because one of them says "Metro Dade Gang Unit, here I am baby" on the video, the allegation sounds reasonable.) Police promptly arrested them.

I can’t think of any changes we should make to our laws as a result of this, but I couldn’t pass up the opportunity to link to an Internet harassment story with a happy ending.

Eminent Domain Case Reaches Missouri Supreme Court

This morning, the Missouri Supreme Court heard oral arguments in City of Arnold v. Tourkakis, an eminent domain case that’s been ongoing for a few years now. We’ve profiled Homer Tourkakis and his “blighted” dental practice before, and his case was one of the many featured in our former editor Tim Lee’s eminent domain study, “The Specter of Condemnation: The Case Against Eminent Domain for Private Profit in Missouri.”

Last night, I posted a press release on our website that gives some background on the case, along with several links to other eminent domain resources, including the brief of amicus curiae filed by the Show-Me Institute, making an argument for strong property rights for Missourians.

This is a pivotal case. As the press release says, “This case will decide whether the Missouri Constitution still offers property owners any meaningful protection against municipalities seeking to give their homes, businesses, or houses of worship to commercial developers.” The rights of ordinary homeowners and small business proprietors hang in the balance.

The Real Health-Care Debate

Our own policy analyst and Show-Me Daily blogger extraordinaire Justin Hauke had a letter to the editor published in today’s Wall Street Journal. The letter responds to a recent op-ed about universal health coverage written by Robert Reich, former U.S. Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration, and is packaged with a letter from a Florida resident that also makes some great points about government involvement in the health care industry.

Because online newspaper content doesn’t always remain available indefinitely, I’m reproducing Justin’s letter below for posterity’s sake:

Mr. Reich’s op-ed disappointed me, not only for its blatant disregard of economic logic, but for its presupposition of controversial facts about what universal health-care coverage would entail.

Mr. Reich correctly recognizes that mandates (and their big government connotations) are the most sensitive part of the health-care debate, so he dismisses them as a smoke screen. But, as many presidential candidates have recognized, mandates are the most important part of any potential national health-care plan. Older Americans are among the most expensive to insure, yet Mr. Reich asks readers to believe that they could be covered without a mandated influx of healthy Americans to contribute to the plan without utilizing its benefits.

Mr. Reich argues instead that high-cost participants would be subsidized by the general revenue that would be realized if the Bush tax cuts were to expire. Yet even if we assume that higher taxes would increase revenues without pushing the country into recession, such an increase in tax revenue could not offset the enormous cost of health care for millions of high-risk Americans indefinitely — particularly when fixed premiums encourage health-care abuses.

In order to appease Americans who want to believe that universal health care can be achieved without significant cost or government intrusiveness, Mr. Reich has ignored the real health-care debate and dismissed the bureaucratic mess of government-mandated coverage as the "least important aspect of what (the Democrats) are offering." But it’s not "The Road to Universal Coverage" that Mr. Reich offers us; it’s "The Road to Serfdom."

Justin P. Hauke
The Show-Me Institute
St. Louis

Juicing the Issue

The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform met yesterday for the second inning of its finger-pointing, denial-giving, not-talking-about-the-past examination of baseball’s steroid era. While these particular events usually make great theater (the last installment forever tarnishing the legacy of a certain boyhood hero of the author), yesterday’s congressional examination of the Mitchell Report was overshadowed by steroid news closer to home.

According to an article in yesterday’s Post-Dispatch, the Missouri General Assembly is pushing forth a bill that would require secondary schools to adopt programs that would randomly test student athletes for substances including performance-enhancing drugs, such as anabolic steroids.

The bill comes on the heels of a similar program by the state of Illinois, which is given its traditional due by an official of the Illinois High School Association:

"Our new testing policy will protect the health of our youth and give
students a reason to say no when the pressures mount to take a
shortcut," IHSA Executive Director Marty Hickman said in a prepared
statement.

Despite this, the proposal is facing a number of criticisms from local coaches and administrators who claim that, in addition to being expensive (about $200 a test), the issue would be best served if it was avoided by the state (emphasis added):

"If local boards of education want to explore the possibility of drug
testing, that’s their option," said Brent Ghan, spokesman for the
Missouri School Boards Association, which opposes the legislation. "It
should be left as a local policy issue
."

Some high school athletes will do almost anything to get ahead, but it should not be the place of the state to act as a watchman over the behavior of students participating in sports. Every player on every team has signed some form of code of contact pledging his or her commitment to play the game fairly, and arrangements regarding violations of that code (which certainly include steroid use) can and should be reached at the school or district level.

It’s at this point, not in a committee room in Jefferson City, where the input of coaches, administrators, and parents could all be assessed in order to help solve what obviously would be a deeper problem than simple drug use. Besides, there is nothing that a group of 6’5" 160-pound volleyball players would hate more than submitting a urine sample before a match because the state thinks they’re on the juice.

That being said, steroids are a great danger to any athlete that should never even be considered by developing young men. If you don’t believe me, ask him.

Will the Missouri Supreme Court Leave Your Home At Risk?

When Homer Tourkakis set up his dentistry practice 20 years ago in Arnold, Mo., he never dreamed that the city could take his well-kept office and give it away to someone else — but that is exactly what the city’s officials are trying to do. Hoping that a new shopping center would generate more tax money than Dr. Tourkakis’ practice, the city declared his building and those around it “blighted,” in an effort to justify giving the properties to THF Realty for construction of the Arnold Triangle project.

Knowing that the state Constitution is supposed to protect Missourians’ right to keep private property, Dr. Tourkakis asked the courts to enforce his constitutional rights and prevent the taking of his business. On January 17, the Missouri Supreme Court will hear his case, and its decision will have repercussions for nearly every home and business owner in the state.

One hundred years ago, there would have been absolutely no doubt that the Court would side with Dr. Tourkakis. Missouri’s Bill of Rights has four separate provisions that emphasize citizens’ fundamental right to keep what they own unless their property is necessary for a true public use, like roads, parks, or public buildings. The early cases interpreting those provisions made clear that the right of individuals to “enjoy the gains of their own industry” was vital and could not be subverted unless the government proved the necessity of violating that right.

During the last 50 years, however, judges have steadily given municipalities, unelected government authorities, and even some private companies more and more power to take homes, businesses, and houses of worship from their owners so that other private interests could profit from them. This is usually accomplished using a legal loophole that allows municipalities to condemn properties, and possibly entire neighborhoods, in areas they deem “blighted.” Dozens of Missouri cities have applied blight designations to thousands of normal, well-kept properties in order to create sweetheart deals for commercial developers. As a result, Missouri has developed one of the nation’s worst records for eminent domain abuse.

These sorts of abuses have been pervasive among cities in the Saint Louis metro area.  For example, the city of Sunset Hills only recently ended a seven-year nightmare for more than 300 citizens threatened with condemnation in the name of redeveloping what had been a perfectly normal neighborhood. Eureka designated as “blighted” more than 900 acres of the old Allenton area to intimidate unwilling homeowners into selling their properties to the developer of Eureka Commons — eventually leading to several uses of eminent domain. Meanwhile, Valley Park’s residents have been forced into a state of perpetual anxiety because of the city’s repeated efforts to designate homes and businesses as blighted in order to attract commercial developers.

The Kansas City area has also seen its share of cities abusing eminent domain. The city of Liberty threatened to condemn Liberty Christian Union Church, two charities, and several small businesses to make way for the Liberty Triangle development. Despite the developer’s insistence that it does not plan to use eminent domain, Raytown’s downtown redevelopment plan reserves the right to take homes and businesses whose owners prove unwilling to sell on the city’s terms. Meanwhile, the Sugar Creek Board of Aldermen is using the city’s own negligent upkeep of roads, sidewalks, and utility lines to “blight” more than 70 homes and businesses so their owners can be forced to sell them to the city’s chosen developer.

In addition to the widespread use of eminent domain in Missouri’s major metropolitan areas, many smaller cities in more rural areas have demonstrated a willingness to sacrifice their citizens’ rights in the pursuit of higher tax revenues. The city of Branson condemned two properties and used threats of eminent domain to force Harvest Evangelical Free Church and a number of businesses to make way for a Bass Pro Shop, hotels, and luxury condos in the Branson Landing development. Rolla spent four years tailoring its blight findings to suit potential commercial developers and threatening eminent domain against the affected properties before finally allowing the rightful owners to manage the area’s redevelopment. Meanwhile, Ozark’s City Council recently voted unanimously to leave in place a blight designation whose 47 acres include numerous well-kept properties near the Finley River. Even though the city recently passed an ordinance forbidding the use of eminent domain for its redevelopment project, the threat to property owners will only truly be extinguished if the bogus blight designation is lifted.

When the Missouri Supreme Court hears arguments in City of Arnold v. Tourkakis on Thursday, it will have to choose between two very different paths. The Court could side with the city and its commercial developers, meaning that virtually every home, business, and house of worship in the state could be condemned and given away for the profit of a government-chosen owner. Or the Court could turn the tide in favor of individual liberty by deciding that the state Constitution’s protections for private property still have meaning. So watch this case carefully — your constitutional freedoms are hanging in the balance.

Dave Roland has litigated eminent domain cases in state and federal courts and has offered expert testimony on the issue to state legislatures. He is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank. The Show-Me Institute’s “friend of the court” brief in City of Arnold v. Tourkakis is available online.

 

Missouri Supreme Court to Decide Whether Cities May Continue to Abuse Eminent Domain

 

During the five years between December 2002 and November 2007, dozens of cities acting without a constitutional charter used bogus blight designations to threaten the use of eminent domain against more than 1,500 properties. Facing the threat of condemnation, many owners reluctantly sold their homes and businesses for less than they were worth.

The Missouri Bill of Rights contains some of the strongest property rights protections in the entire nation, said Jenifer Roland, the Show-Me Institute’s director of policy and a nationally respected expert in eminent domain law. It is appalling that this state’s cities have been given so much leeway to trample on their citizens’ freedoms.

Dr. Homer Tourkakis, a dentist who has practiced in Arnold, Mo., for two decades, chose to fight for his constitutional rights rather than accept a low-ball offer for his business. His resistance was vindicated last year when a judge ruled that the Missouri Constitution does not permit cities like Arnold to take properties based on claims of blight.

The Show-Me Institute submitted a brief to the Missouri Supreme Court in support of Dr. Tourkakis, arguing that the Court should stem the tide of eminent domain abuse by enforcing constitutional limitations on government authority to take citizens properties.

The Missouri Supreme Court has a golden opportunity to do the right thing by affirming the Constitution’s emphatic protection of individual liberties, said Dave Roland, a policy analyst for the Show-Me Institute. A proper decision from the Court will reassure Missourians that they have a right to keep what belongs to them.

 

Show-Me Institute’s Brief of Amicus Curiae

Op-Ed: Will the Missouri Supreme Court Leave Your Home At Risk?

Policy Study: The Specter of Condemnation: The Case Against Eminent Domain for Private Profit in Missouri

Missouri’s Eminent Domain Report Card (issued by the Castle Coalition and authored by Jenifer Zeigler Roland)

Previous Reports on Eminent Domain Abuse in Missouri:
Public Power, Private Gain: Missouri
Opening the Floodgates: Missouri

Live Streaming Audio of the City of Arnold v. Tourkakis Oral Argument (available Thursday from 9:30 – 10:15 a.m.)

 

 

Not Early to Bed, Not Likely to Rise

The New York Times ran an op-ed in yesterday’s edition describing the negative effects of increasingly earlier start times for students in secondary schools. Although a good deal of science and logic was presented over the course of the argument, the main point is thus:

[T]eenagers’ body clocks are set to a schedule that is different from that of younger children or adults. … The result is that the first class of the morning is often a waste,
with as many as 28 percent of students falling asleep, according to a
National Sleep Foundation poll. Some are so sleepy they don’t even show
up, contributing to failure and dropout rates.

Considering the state of the American education system, any bit of help goes a long way, and the circadian rhythms of the average American teenager cry out for relief every weekday from the grind of the early rise. Rested students perform better in class, are more competitive in athletics, and — according to one district in Kentucky — are involved in fewer early-morning automobile accidents.

According to the article, the National Sleep Foundation suggests that teenagers don’t reach their most functional state until after 8:00 a.m. However, only one major Missouri school district begins classes after this point. The Rockwood School District (which, in the interest of full disclosure, this author is an alumnus of) shifted its start time for high schools back to 8:28 A.M. at the beginning of the 2007-2008 school year.

Could such a shift help disadvantaged schools in Missouri? If nothing else, the opportunity certainly seems to exist. St. Louis and Kansas City public high schools currently begin at 7:20, while the Wellston School District’s Eskridge High School starts classes at 7:45.

While such a shift will not cure everything that ails these districts, later classes could mean better attendance and more productivity from students. As I said before, every little bit counts.

Midwives at the Movies

I see on the Ethical Society’s website that they just had a program presented by Free the Midwives and showed a new film about maternity care. You can follow that last link to see snippets from the documentary.

I agree with the director that the legal environment discourages choice. Doctors can charge their patients more because they don’t have to compete with the cheaper midwives. However, from the trailer, it looks like this film is less about extolling the benefits of competition and more about putting down the people who run and work at hospitals.

This strategy could backfire. The trailer says that hospitals just care about money. But most midwives aren’t volunteers, and they have to admit that women who give birth in hospitals enjoy extra security thanks to all the lifesaving equipment hospitals have ready — expensive equipment that patients have to pay for. And while many mothers have been satisfied with their experiences with midwives, there are some high-risk births that midwives will never be able to handle.

It’s also inconsistent to censure hospitals for moving women out of hospital beds too quickly, while praising midwives for helping women stay away from the hospital. Hospitals have good reason to try to get women to go home as soon as possible; there’s the risk of infection, for example.

And some of the complaints about what happens in delivery rooms could be more fairly directed at patients. Women have a responsibility to talk to their doctors about what medications they’ll take and what will be done in case of complications. If they don’t choose to inform themselves when they go to the doctor, they may make the same mistake even with a midwife.

Women should be able to choose midwives if they wish, so I’m rooting for the midwives. But I hope they’ll turn their PR efforts away from exaggerating the extent of their persecution and spreading fear about hospitals, where most babies will be delivered even under the freest laws. Even if hospitals do a good job, and I think most do, women should still have the choice to use a midwife.

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