Misguided

Last summer, Ethan Cory, a six-year-old boy from the Joplin area, drowned at a small private water park called “The Swimmin’ Hole.”

His devastated parents petitioned the General Assembly to regulate the state’s water parks to make them safer, in order to help prevent future tragedies like the one that led to their son’s death. On Friday, the governor signed HB 1341 (popularly known as “Ethan’s Law”), which requires private, for-profit water parks to maintain liability insurance of at least $1 million in the event of an injury or the death of a patron. The sponsor of this legislation, during the governor’s prepared remarks, declared that “hopefully [this bill] will prevent other such tragedies around Missouri.”

Will it? Water parks have existed for more than 100 years in Missouri, so why wait until 2008 to pass this legislation if it’s so integral to their patrons’ safety? I certainly sympathize with the Cory family, but the state’s reaction is once again inappropriate. If the water park was negligent, the Cory family is entitled to a huge settlement. But bringing in the government to punish every other water park is not the answer.

Which is the greater incentive to carry liability insurance: a government mandate, or the risk of losing your entire business in a lawsuit in the event that negligence or faulty equipment results in an accident? Legislators forget the law of unintended consequences. Why set the liability level at $1 million? Why not $10 million? Or why not let the individual businesses decide what level of insurance they need? If we set it too high, do we needlessly destroy small businesses and neighborhood pools, and put people out of work?

This type of legislation is well-intentioned, but ultimately irresponsible. It justifies more government intrusion in our lives without doing anything to protect customers or to make them any safer. And now we have two more people (the owners of the Swimmin’ Hole) eligible for welfare.

Missouri Gas Makes the Slate

Slate magazine’s popular "Explainer" series discusses why gas is cheaper in Missouri than in the rest of the nation. Before we go further, sit back and appreciate that fact. OK, now we can continue. It’s a great article, which is generally true for "Explainer," and it touches all the important issues. I was a little perplexed when the headline indicated ethanol was going to get the credit, but the explanation was spot-on. Ethanol may well be cheaper than oil right now. It has other factors that likely change that in the big picture (subsidies, slightly reduced gas mileage, etc.) but that is not the point of this article, which is simply what we pay  when we fill up today at the pump.

My favorite part of the article is the section on how the retailers that sell gas in Missouri often sell other products (left unsaid is that the main product is beer) that allow them to keep gas prices low and make nice profits on those other sales. We often forget in Missouri how much stricter other states can be about who, when, and what can sell alchohol. Here, we just buy it at gas stations, grocery stores, liquor stores, blood donation centers, anywhere. And we can buy it just about anytime except early Sunday mornings. My friends and I made innumerable late-night beer runs from Fairfield, Conn., to Portchester, N.Y. (one-hour round trip if you drove really fast), in college because of Connecticut’s stupid 8 p.m. alchohol sales cut-off law. Dear God, do I love Anheuser-Busch and its lobbying efforts!

Ethanol Mandates: A Total Clusterharvest

The Show-Me Institute will soon release a counter-response to a Missouri Corn Merchandising Council study that claims Missouri consumers will save nearly $2 billion during the next 10 years as a result of the state’s recent E-10 fuel mandate, which requires all unleaded fuel sold within the state to contain a 10-percent ethanol blend.

While I’ll leave the details of our case study to the release, suffice it to say that the MCMC study ignores important E-10 cost factors, such as the EPA-documented decrease in fuel efficiency and the cost of taxpayer subsidies. When David Stokes and I recomputed the numbers with these costs in mind, we found that the E-10 mandate will actually cost Missourians nearly $1 billion during the next decade instead of saving them $2 billion.

But today’s agricultural news highlights an even more important point about ethanol usage. Today, corn futures prices surpassed their all-time high in trading on the Chicago Board of Trade. Bloomberg lists the causes for this increase in food prices (emphasis added):

[Agricultural prices] have gained 60 percent in a year, fueled by [demand], market speculation and the push to grow corn for ethanol.

Indeed. It’s not just higher grocery store prices that Missourians can look forward to, though, but a higher tax bill as well. The governor recently released his 2008 fiscal year budget summary, which — despite the governor’s conviction to implement “a balanced budget that does not rely on excessive, job-killing revenues” — contains the following important line item:

$6.4 million increased funding to support an expected seven ethanol plants and $28.5 million to support an estimated nine biodiesel plants. Total funding for Missouri ethanol producers will be $15 million and total funding for Missouri biodiesel producers will be $33.8 million.

Well, right there is an easy $50 million we could save each year in order to sustain the governor’s commitment to a budget that "does not rely on excessive, job-killing revenues.” Oh, and this doesn’t include the $0.51-per-gallon federal ethanol subsidy, either.

Take a look at the personal income figures reported in the governor’s own budget summary, comparing Missouri income growth to that of the United States as a whole during the past three years:

Personal Income Growth 2006 2007 2008
United States 6.40% 5.60% 5.50%
Missouri 5.80% 4.50% 4.40%

Why is Missouri income growth below the national average? Could it be that excessive taxes and wasteful spending are hurting Missourians more than the government admits? Is the E-10 mandate really going to “save” Missourians money? Or is this just another example of corporate welfare, redistributing wealth from one taxpayer to another?

My bet’s on the latter.

Textbook Legislation Update

Special thanks to the St. Joseph News-Press for reporting on an op-ed I wrote a few weeks ago. I hope that this coverage opens some debate about a relatively obscure bill that is in danger of being signed.

From the report:

The bill’s sponsor, Rep. Jake Zimmerman, D-Olivette, Mo., has a degree in economics and law degree from Harvard. He refers to the Show-Me Institute analysis as “over simplistic and flawed.”

“If you’ll pardon the expression,” Mr. Zimmerman said, “he’s taking a freshman year economics textbook approach to the problem, which does not accurately reflect the real world circumstances that we’re talking about.”

I urge readers to critically read my op-ed to search for the deficiencies Mr. Zimmerman is referring to. I agree that the interaction between supply and demand is essential to any freshman economics course, but I don’t agree that it is inappropriately considered in my commentary. His criticism would be more satisfying if it was specific.

Mr. Zimmerman correctly points out that my take on the bill hasn’t "drummed up any public outcry." I hope that the small publicity it recently received engages Missourians outside of academia and the legislature to give this bill a hard look as it sits on the governor’s desk. After all, you can’t oppose poor legislation if you don’t know it exists.

A Great Development

Dave Roland beat me to it, but I was going to talk about the "Call to Oneness" article for addressing crime in north St. Louis.

I think this is a great idea, and one that worked very well in the Los Angeles area during the height of gang violence in the early 1990s (when my burgeoning love of rap music was beginning).

Of course, I take issue with the arguments in his other post. There is a difference between protectionism (like occupational licensing laws) and laws that lower information costs and help ensure that a market system can exist (such as, for one specific example, accounting regulations). This doesn’t mean we can’t challenge these regulations or strive to constantly find better solutions to the way in which we organize society. I certainly would support that.

But here’s my objection to the Village Law (and to Dave’s argument in general). A very wealthy and politically connected individual wants to incorporate his own village to get around zoning laws and build a casino. In Dave’s world, his poor and politically naïve neighbors can simply take him court to reclaim the damage to their property from this new development because I’m sure everyone has the resources and time to fight a long, drawn-out legal battle against a team of high-priced lawyers working for the casino development during the next 10 to 15 years.

Sorry Dave, but I don’t see that happening. Not even in libertarian paradise.

Bias in the Media

I want to take the time to respond to an article in the Michigan Messenger attacking Dr. Michael Pakko, one of the Show-Me Institute’s academic scholars.

Dr. Pakko’s research on smoking bans has played an influential role in the Michigan legislature as the state considers a statewide smoking ban. We applaud his research and the impact it has had in demonstrating how government interference adversely affects economic growth and public welfare.

The Michigan Messenger does a disservice to its readers and to the public debate in general by attempting to defraud the merits of the study by attacking the author’s "affiliations." (The Michigan Messenger argues that Dr. Pakko’s findings are driven by ties to "big tobacco" donors.)

Because Dr. Pakko is (marginally) affiliated with the Show-Me Institute, and because we received a grant from the Cato Institute, which has itself received donations from tobacco companies, the author argues that somehow these six degrees of separation are biasing Dr. Pakko’s results.

First of all, the Show-Me Institute stands behind Dr. Pakko and his research on public smoking bans throughout the state. As a former employee of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, I can personally attest to the quality and objectivity of his research.

But, more importantly, the accusation is completely baseless. Dr. Pakko has never received any funding from the Show-Me Institute for any current or previous research (or any other service). The articles in question were published by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis completely independently from the Show-Me Institute. Neither the Federal Reserve nor the Show-Me Institute accept "contract work," and any donation the Show-Me Institute has received that could somehow be connected indirectly to tobacco firms has no bearing on our research topics or their conclusions. In fact, our non-profit charter as a "public charity" explicitly prevents us from engaging in any policy work with a specific donor-driven agenda.

Again, I just want to reiterate that the Show-Me Institute is a "free-market think tank" — not a "libertarian think tank" or a "conservative think tank" — and that we do not support, endorse, or promote any political party or specific public policy agenda or legislation.

But you guys already knew that.

Kudos to “A Call to Oneness”

The Drudge Report brought my attention to an Associated Press story describing how a St. Louis–area faith-based group, A Call to Oneness, will be starting a new program to provide moral guidance in high-crime neighborhoods.

This is a fantastic idea. The organization’s teams will likely be able to have far more of a positive impact on these neighborhoods than squads of police officers, halls full of bureaucrats, or other "outsiders" could ever hope to have, simply by providing role models of socially responsible behavior to whom young people can relate. This is just one more example of how civil society can work together to improve communities without relying on inefficient and/or misguided government programs.

Regulation and Security

The points that Justin has made about how zoning laws create a certain security for property owners and their mortgage companies are valid, but he misses the point in a way similar to Mr. Stokes’ earlier argument: That security comes at a price much steeper than is commonly realized.

A free society is, almost by definition, unpredictable. Where people have an abundance of liberty, you can never be certain how changes and innovation will render investments (whether in property, education, or profession) of little value. That unpredictability is extremely uncomfortable for people who have committed enormous resources to any particular endeavor (like, say, investing in airlines or high-risk mortgages), and they will want to do everything possible to protect their investments. All too frequently — and, admittedly, motivated by what they believe to be the best of intentions — these people ask the government to secure their investments by passing legislation that will presumably prevent (or remedy) changes in the market that will disadvantageously affect their interests. Every time the government acquiesces, it does so to the detriment of someone else’s liberty.

David should be well-acquainted with the aftermath of such legislation, because he is currently working on a project involving occupational licensing. Licensing schemes arise for almost precisely the same reasons as zoning laws — their proponents are merely trying to secure their investment in their business or profession. After all, where a cosmetologist has dedicated thousands of dollars to earning a degree from an approved school, why should their earning potential be challenged by “unschooled” competitors offering services for far lower rates? Or why should extra competition be allowed in taxi markets where there are already “plenty” of cabs and new drivers might drive down fares? Or why should a family that has operated a small community store for decades be forced to compete against a Wal-Mart or Target? Thus, motivated by concern for the established interests, lawmakers dictate that only cosmetologists with a ridiculous amount of schooling have any right to practice that profession, and only cab drivers who can demonstrate the “necessity” of their services have any right to enter that market, and that in some areas no big box retailers will be allowed to compete with the local mom-and-pop establishments.

The thing is, the free market’s unpredictability and flexibility work in favor of a lot of people, and in favor of the system as a whole. Regulation and red tape tends to hamper economic growth. Deregulation, on the other hand, allows innovation and rapid economic expansion. Liberty allows entrepreneurs to adapt to changing conditions, meaning that if an enterprising property owner sees a market for a Star Wars memorial, they can build one and thus take advantage of the combination of their property and their ingenuity. If the neighbors don’t like the idea of living near this sort of attraction, they are not bound to suffer because they have a multitude of options. Not only could they try to recover money damages for any harm done to their ability to peacefully enjoy their property, they might discover opportunity of their own by capitalizing on the market for a community composed of Star Wars aficionados. Admittedly, a disavowal of obtrusive regulation might result in some of the inconveniences that Justin mentioned, but even if one discounts the intrinsic value of freedom, a commitment to liberty is likely to be more beneficial to all concerned in the long-run.

Another issue that Justin overlooked is that the simple act of imposing zoning laws itself devalues property, owing to the owners’ loss of ability to develop it as they choose — a fact that was long ago recognized in Missouri’s courts. Initially, of course, the Missouri Supreme Court refused to allow any zoning law that was not designed to protect the health and safety of the community, but even when they departed from that strict stance, the court would only permit the imposition of zoning ordinances if the affected citizens were paid compensation for the loss of their right to use the property. A few years later, the court took leave of its prior wisdom, allowing government to act with impunity in placing value-reducing restrictions on individuals’ use of their properties. Thus, the use of zoning laws is something of a counterproductive solution for those worried about how their neighbors’ actions might adversely affect their property values.

Properly understood, the government absolutely has the authority to see that citizens are held accountable for abuses of their liberty and that victims of nuisance are compensated for harms wrongfully suffered. But it cannot properly be the government’s responsibility to secure the investments of some at the expense of the liberty of others. In the end, these protectionist laws result in the injustice of the government picking winners and losers. The winners are those whose interests are protected; the losers are those whose liberty is unwillingly stripped from them. I understand Justin’s concern that an immediate return to strict protection of property rights could prove more chaotic than many would like to see, but similar arguments have been used in other contexts to postpone enforcement of constitutional freedoms. I, for one, do not believe we should delay the realization of liberty because of potentially unfounded fears of destabilization.

EPA Mandate Promises High Costs and Few Benefits

According to a Post-Dispatch article, the metropolitan St. Louis area can expect sharp increases in sewer bills during the next few years. Increases will be necessary to follow an EPA mandate that regulates how the metro area deals with sewage overflows regularly caused by inclement weather. The current practice of dumping excess waste in natural waterways will be replaced by an infrastructure project that could cost more than $4 billion.

Is it worth quadrupling the average household’s sewage tax to create an expensive system that offers help only sporadically? The EPA seemingly addressed potential problems with waste in rivers by requiring warning signs last year. Although this measure understandably wouldn’t satisfy conservationists, everyone should weigh benefits and costs, especially when replacing a system that has worked for a long time. The article also notes that current spillways include the Mississippi and the River Des Peres. Frankly, the current system poses no threat to anyone wise enough to stay out of already-polluted bodies.

Overly zealous environmental regulation should not be allowed to impose unnecessary costs on anyone, especially a targeted area with an sufficient policy already in place. Bullying like this only harms St. Louis’ economic condition, both in absolute and relative terms.

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