Corn Contention

Today, the Post-Dispatch editors chastised the leading Republican gubernatorial candidates for turning the Missouri ethanol mandate into a major campaign issue. The editors may well be correct that “the mandate makes very little difference in the bank accounts of drivers, grocery shoppers, or even farmers.” However, contention over the mandate might provide a worthy outlet for opinions about larger issues, such as the government’s involvement in ethanol production and the appropriateness of direct intervention into other markets.

As a practical matter, the future of the current ethanol mandate will not have a large effect on the commodity prices Missourians face. Our study, which was a narrowly focused rebuttal of another study, estimates a considerable, but not overwhelming, price tag of $29 per Missouri driver per year. The P-D suggests that “for drivers, there’s probably only a tiny savings.” Regardless of whether the mandate is a net positive or net negative, we both agree that the effect is relatively small. After all, the legislation only touches statewide consumption of globally traded commodities in the event that their associated market prices are lower than those of conventional gas.

Even so, the current discussion is anything but frivolous. The ethanol savings figures given by the Missouri Corn Merchandising Council are patently false. Further, the use of coercive intervention into a fully functional market raises legitimate doubts. The Republican candidates obliviously feel that they can effectively offer different shades of conservatism through a real — although perhaps not earth shattering — debate. Whether their attempts to differentiate themselves will pay off remains to be seen, but we can’t blame them for trying.

Turning Your Money Against You

As a link from this website has previously shown, Missouri Citizens for Property Rights gathered more than 400,000 signatures in its effort to give Missourians the opportunity to end eminent domain abuse this November by passing two proposed amendments.

Concerned that the amendments’ adoption would cut off their ability to give away their citizens’ homes and businesses to commercial developers, some cities are now setting aside taxpayer dollars to try to prevent the vote from happening. This is every bit as outrageous as school districts gambling millions of dollars in taxpayer funds in an effort to get billions of dollars in taxpayer funds. You should consider doing a little research to find out whether your local officials are using your money against you in a similar way.

Bonds Away in Saint Louis County

According to the Post-Dispatch, St. Louis County is considering a $120 million bond issue to address infrastructure needs. This comes as the county’s Blue Ribbon Capitol Investment Commission is supposed to wrap up its findings and issue a report shortly. My main question is whether or not another shoe will drop. Sure, it is a big bond issue, but St. Louis County has a great deal of bond capacity capable of being used — it is currently just using about 3 percent of its allowable bonding. If this bond issue is the primary way they are going to address these infrastructure issues — like a new Family Courts building, for instance — then this should be a good plan. If an additional tax hike proposal comes down the chute in a few months (on top of the Metro tax proposal), I won’t necessarily feel this way.

For your reading pleasure, here is a copy of the testimony I provided to the Blue Ribbon Commission about these issues last month (ignore the date on the page, that’s just when we finally got around to putting it online).

Ethanol, Millhaven, and Me

I appeared on the McGraw Millhaven Show Monday to discuss a number of items, but for the point of this post I will limit it to our case study about ethanol. The Missouri Corn Growers Association appeared on the show yesterday to give their side of the issue, which is what debate is all about. I was unable to listen in yesterday as I was driving to Kennett (damn, the Bootheel is far away!) to give a presentation about another topic. Dapper Dan the intern, however, listened carefully and gave me detailed notes about the corn growers’ appearance, so that I could respond via this blog.

The corn grower’s rep, Gary Marshall, (not that Garry Marshall) achnowledged that E-10 ethanol gasoline has reduced fuel efficiency. He said that our estimate of a 2.5-percent reduction was too high, though, for much of the gas. He also speculated that no Missourian finds a decline in mileage, which I will further speculate is wrong, and point my valued readers here and here. The most important thing is that they admit they did a study claiming cost savings by E-10 gas and did not account for the reduced fuel efficiency. The study that the MCMC commissioned is not sound public policy research — it’s propaganda.

Next, the interview got into a canard that the ethanol industry likes to use in regard to the ethanol subsidy. The reasoning goes that we should logically ignore the subsidy, because the oil industry is subsidized, too (which it is), so they cancel each other out. Is that correct? No. Let’s go to the ultimate authority on this, the Energy Information Administration with the U.S. Dept. of Energy. Just last year, they released a report about the subsidy amounts provided to the overall energy industry. The 2007 value of the Volumetric Ethanol Excise Tax Credit was just less than $3 billion dollars ($2,990,000, to be exact; figure on page 21). Let’s compare this with oil. The federal subsidies for ALL natural gas and oil prodiction (much more than just automobile fuels) was just more than $2 billion ($2,090,000, to be exact — page 23). That is almost a billion dollars more in subsidies for ethanol alone than for the entire oil and natural gas industry combined, which, again, includes home heating oil, gas for your car, etc. Now consider that the oil and gas industry dwarfs the ethanol industry, and it is inescapable that one industry (ethanol) is MUCH MORE HEAVILY SUBSIDIZED than the other industry (traditional oil and gas).

Now, to be fair, you might say we should have incorporated the lower oil subsidies into our case study analysis. But our study never stated that oil and gas didn’t get subsidies. It refuted the calculations used in the MCMC study by insisting that they don’t get to claim the 51-cent-per-gallon subsidy as savings for Missourians, as though taxpayers didn’t pay for that subsidy in the first place. The oil and gas subsidies, small and non-distortionary as they are, were fully included in the cited gas prices used by ethanol supporters in their claims to save us money.

There is much more to consider here, but this post is already too long. I have nothing against ethanol. I dislike the subsidy, in the form of the tax credit, in the same way I dislike all agricultural subsidies. But most other agricultural subsidies are not forced upon me via mandate, like E-10 gas is. It is the combination of mandating a subsidized product that I dislike, and I like it even less when supporters of the dictate use poorly reasoned and flawed studies to tell me it’s a good thing.

P.S. — I hope you all get just how ridiculously clever the title of this post is!

Midwives Call for Licensure

I blogged a couple of weeks ago about the North Carolina midwives who want the state to license them. Here’s an article about Massachusetts midwives who have followed suit. A state representative argues in favor of occupational licensure:

If the bill passes, they would have to apply for licensure and pass a series of requirements to practice legally in the state. “It will give any of the births currently being done more regulation and oversight,” Khan says.

This push for licensure might just be a strategy to legalize midwifery. Many Missourians, especially in rural areas, had a positive view of midwifery before the state allowed the practice. The legislation was controversial, but there hasn’t been public outcry about the fact that a private organization is licensing the midwives here. In states where the population is more wary of midwives, establishing a state board to oversee the profession could be the only way to legalize it.

On the other hand, lobbying for state oversight could be a way for the midwives to keep out competition and earn more money. The article notes that home birth with a midwife is much less expensive than seeing a doctor in a hospital. It doesn’t draw any connection between that and all the bureaucratic hurdles doctors have to jump through to be certified. If midwives have to go through a similarly long and costly certification process, you can expect the price for their services to jump.

If Massachusetts midwives need a state board to be recognized as legal, then I guess that’s what they have to do. But licensure should be a last resort.

Helping Missourians Vote?

Help America Vote Act. It sounds pretty innocuous, even appealing. But even the most well-intentioned laws can have unintended consequences.

“It started with HAVA,” Kristy Urich, Grundy County’s clerk, said. “We had to have very expensive electronic equipment, and it forced us into having fewer polling places.”

Grundy County underwent precinct consolidation in the wake of the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002, meaning it reduced the number of polling places available to voters. Why? To save money.

HAVA requires that federal money be given to states: “to replace punch card voting systems or lever voting systems (as the case may be) in qualifying precincts within that State with a voting system (by purchase, lease, or such other arrangement as may be appropriate) […]”

But even though federal funds were available, there was only so much money to go around.

“They allocated X amount of dollars per location,” Urich said. “And they don’t pay for ongoing maintenance. Although they paid for most of the original setup costs, they don’t continue to pay.”

Without enough federal funds, changing over to more high-tech voting systems was cost prohibitive. And, just like that, places to vote disappeared from Grundy County.

Continue reading “Helping Missourians Vote?”

Catastrophe Setup, Redux

I have previously blogged about the nefarious — but unintended — consequences of disaster relief. This seed has germinated into a longer piece about flood relief, which Missourinet has covered (link via Combest).

The idea is simple. By bailing out the victims of flood relief, the government unintentionally encourages people to move into flood-prone areas, leading to more flood damage in the long term.

Flood Relief Establishes Perverse Incentives

I saw my fair share of floods while growing up. During the flood of 1993, I watched the Meramec River slowly creep toward my house and into my basement. A few years earlier, my family and I had to evacuate our home near George Winter Park because of excessive flooding. The severe damage that floods can cause makes living in the flood plain risky. When flood damage occurs, state and federal governments typically subsidize reconstruction through government grants and loans offered at subsidized rates, a practice that unintentionally sets the stage for worse devastation later on.

Government aid to flooded areas isn’t necessarily bad. Sending in the National Guard to help people evacuate, for example, fulfills an essential role of the government: protecting the public from real, physical harm. Subsidizing the cleanup and reconstruction, on the other hand, has nefarious long-term consequences.

The intention to help people is never misguided. However, the means used to help people may be ill-advised. So, it’s worth asking: Will this sort of flood relief actually relieve the pain that floods cause? In the short term, the answer is simple and obvious: yes. We can all see a farmer rebuilding his barn. Even more concretely, we’ve seen Chesterfield sprout back up after the 1993 disaster. This isn’t the entire story, though. What isn’t as obvious is that subsidizing reconstruction actually causes more flood damage over time, undermining the intended goal of relief.

It’s not difficult to figure out that lowland areas near rivers have a tendency to flood — or that this can be very costly for home and business owners. To varying degrees, people tend to take these extra costs into account when deciding where to move or set up a new business. But by providing aid to rebuild flood-prone areas, federal and state governments reduce the potential costs of a flood, and thereby the risk associated with living and doing business there. This essentially becomes a subsidy for areas that are likely to be flooded.

Any astute student of economics knows what will happen next. Somewhere in the state, there are people who enjoy the many benefits of living next to a large river like the Mississippi — the boating and fishing opportunities, for instance. But, all things considered, many of these people would ordinarily consider it just a bit too risky to live in such an area. Economists characterize these people as being “on the margin.” When the costs associated with flooding are mitigated by the expectation of disaster assistance, some of the people on the safe side of the margin cross to the risky side — they now see living by the river as an attractive option. Flood relief spurs some marginal home buyers to move into flood-prone areas.

This happens not only with potential residents, but potential business owners, as well. The decreased risk brought by relief efforts means that businesses on the margin build new facilities in the flood plain rather than somewhere else, while businesses already in the area purchase new equipment and improve their buildings rather than limit possible losses.

As a result, these areas contain not only more potential victims, but also a much greater potential for damage. So, while government assistance for flood reconstruction can certainly help people who have been hurt by flooding, it also encourages some people to set themselves up for disaster. When the next flood comes, the damage will likely be much worse than if there had been no flood relief at all — in terms of both dollars and human suffering.

To answer my original question: Does subsidizing reconstruction actually help ease the pain caused by floods? In the long run, the answer is a most emphatic no. Although this sort of relief does some immediate good, it will only cause a great deal more harm down the road.

Matt Simpson is an intern at the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank. He is currently pursuing undergraduate degrees in philosophy and math at Lindenwood University.

 

Explanation

In 2004, the Plato R-V School District held financial elections in April, August, and November. Two years later, the bond that district officials hoped to pass showed up again on the November ballot.

“We were trying to pass a bond issue two or three years in a row,” said Superintendent Victor Slape. “Trying to pass it whenever we could, really. … More people vote in November, and we wanted to make sure people got the opportunity to vote.”

Turns out that Cynthia’s suspicion, that school districts will sometimes continue to put a financial issue up for vote until it passes, is true. And that’s a primary reason school districts occasionally add elections to the November ballot, despite the higher cost.

Superintendent of the Albany School District Ted Spessard said the costs of any school election in his district are “in the thousands.” He estimated that the district pays about two to three thousand dollars in order to put an issue on the ballot.

Continue reading “Explanation”

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