Vice Presidents and Lieutenant Governors: Should They Be Abolished?

An op-ed in the LA Times (link via Freakonomics) advocates that we abolish the position of vice president. As I am required to do, I shall Missouri-fy the question and ask it about the lieutenant governorship as well. Gov. Palin’s comments about the proper role of the VP in the recent debate here at Wash U. have also placed the utility of her prospective office in the spotlight. Should these positions be abolished?

The author of the Times piece dislikes the VP office for several reasons, but primarily because presidential candidates select running mates based largely on political benefits instead of leadership qualities, so the nation is damaged when one of those people moves up to be the president after a death or impeachment. The author cites several examples in which, because of a death, the voters ended up with someone very different than the person they had elected. (The author does, however, make one blatant factual error that the Times corrected.) Because governors and lieutenant governors in Missouri do not run on the same ticket, part of that objection is made moot. The author also cites Mexico and France as countries with system similar to ours, that do not have VPs.

I do not agree with the author about the VP position — nor the lieutenant governor position, for that matter. Just because voters usually don’t put much weight into the quality of a VP candidate when they make their choices for president does not mean they can’t at least consider it. For each position, there are essentially two main jobs: cast tie-breaking votes in the Senate, and be available in the case of a death or impeachment (which we have come close to twice during the past 35 years). In years past, presiding over the Senate was also a large part of the job. That changed a long time ago in DC, and a few decades ago in Jeff City, as well, after a lawsuit between the majority Democrat senate and the new Republican lieutenant governor (Bill Phelps) was won by the senators.

As for France and Mexico, I love comparative politics, so I’ll dive in. As you may or may not know, most nations have a head of state and a head of government. For example, Britain has a queen and a prime minister. Nations without kings, no matter how little power they hold, generally choose to elect another official to hold a post — that might be called president — to serve as head of state. Germany and Israel are two examples of this. That post tends to have very little power, is mostly ceremonial, and usually goes to popular elected officials later in their careers. The United States is one of the only countries that combines both positions into one office.

Most nations also have bicameral legislatures, like ours. However, generally one house dominates the other. Historically, the House of Lords had a great deal more power than the House of Commons, but now the reverse is usually true. So, the leader of the House of Commons, or whatever it may be called, is the Prime Minister, and by far the most powerful politician. In the United States, both of our houses of Congress are comparable in power, so we don’t have a singular dominant politician. (Don’t even get me started on the Federal Reserve.) In short, because we don’t have a clearly marked other person to take over in case of a death (head of state for head of government, or vice versa), it behooves us to elect someone to be designated to fill that role, if required. The same goes for governors in the states.

France is interesting in comparison, because it is one of the few western democracies to maintain more power in its president than in the prime minister, although it does a have a prime minister who is very influential. If the president of France were to expire, the prime minister would be there to manage things in a way that the Speaker of the House and the Majority Leader of the Senate might not agree with each other on. As for Mexico, its system comes out of a long period of one-party rule, and it has a strict one-term limit, anyway. Historically, if its president died, you could count on another member of the one party to be quickly chosen to replace him. With a two-party system, this is different — but I’m no expert on Mexican politics, so I don’t know what to recommend.

This post is getting too long, but I want to correct one inconsistency in the Times author’s logic. He says we should abolish the VP post and designate the secretary of state to serve until we can elect a new president. But, without a VP, what does he think would happen to the office of secretary of state? That office would quickly become politicized, with pressure on candidates to name who they would select for it during the campaign, so that voters could judge them just as they do the VP. The idea that qualified diplomats and generals would continue to be chosen for secretary of state if it was designated to succeed the president is crazy. Same goes for any other position that could be made second in line. We are much better off keeping the VP, and the lieutenant governor, and allowing voters to consider it is much or as little as they want in their votes.

The Fatted Gaffe

Yesterday, the Columbia Daily Tribune‘s publisher, Henry J. Waters III, ran an outstanding editorial about the importance of personal choice and responsibility.

Waters notes that Rep. Craig Bland (D-Kansas City) has long been sponsoring obesity legislation, hoping to promote scholastic nutrition and even set up a state commission to deal specifically with Missouri’s ever-expanding girth. Frankly, I’m partially to blame for the state’s higher obesity statistics. As a bona fide fattie of amplitudinous proportions, I single-handedly nudged the statewide average ever-so-slightly higher than it was before I moved here in mid-2007. The ready availability of excellent Missouri barbecue hasn’t helped matters since.

But here’s the thing: My waistline is not the government’s fault. Not even slightly. And if I’m to exorcize my own edible demons, the solution won’t arrive in the form of political hectoring. I know how to lose weight — I’ve done it before, and one of these days I may just escape the clutches of my La-Z-Boy long enough to do it again. The point is, living a healthier life is no mystery, even for the corpulent; everybody knows how to eat less and exercise, even if they’d rather while away the hours with a can of Pringles in one hand and their TiVo remote in the other (any similarity here to my own life is purely coincidental). Ultimately, it’s a personal choice. Waters recognizes this:

Jawboning in opposition to overeating is fine, but I’m not sure I want to spend public tax dollars. Is anyone in Missouri unaware of the “obesity problem?” Is it an official problem the state should undertake with additional commissions and boards?

The report blames rising food costs, lack of exercise and bigger portions. This makes sense, but where is the correction except in the habits of private eaters?

I’d like to weigh less, sure. But as an economics enthusiast, I believe in the supremacy of revealed preference. The economist David Friedman encapsulated this principle nicely in a brief aside to his price theory textbook:

Economics Joke #1: Two economists walked past a Porsche showroom. One of them pointed at a shiny car in the window and said, “I want that.” “Obviously not,” the other replied.

In economics, preference is revealed through behavior. If the first economist had really wanted that Porsche, he would have bought it, perhaps by giving up other luxuries. Instead, his actions reveal that he’d rather spend his money elsewhere — or, even, that he’d rather spend recreational time strolling with a friend instead of working overtime, or taking a second job, to save up enough money to buy the Porsche.

It’s a joke, so the example is appropriately extreme — but the principle holds. My own actions indicate that I’m more fond of that extra helping of Pad Thai than I am of possessing a wardrobe that couldn’t double as a fleet of pup tents. If I’m going to change, it’s my own responsibility, perhaps with encouragement from friends and family. The government shouldn’t be in a position to intervene at all.

Radio Alert: Joe Haslag on Gary Nolan’s Show This Afternoon

The Show-Me Institute’s executive vice president, Joe Haslag, will be appearing this afternoon on The Drive with Gary Nolan, on Eagle 93.9 FM in Columbia (you can also listen online). The show begins at 4:00 p.m. and lasts until 6:00.

They’ll have a scintillating conversation about taxes — specifically, which is least distortionary? A tax on consumption or a tax on land? If you have time before the show, you can bone up on the arguments Joe made in his three studies about earnings taxes in St. Louis and Kansas City. He demonstrates in these latter two studies how land taxes eliminate the dead-weight economic loss involved with other forms of taxation.

The Star Dishes on Cordish

When you build developments based on tax incentives from governments, rather than market forces, you end up with the Kansas City Power & Light district developer screaming at the city for not doing more for the development. I admit, I am not very knowledgeable about this development, but I certainly could have told you that major, professional sports teams are hard to come by. Anyone creating a plan based on a hoped-for NBA or NHL team would be taking an enormous risk. I have to wonder: Would this particular risk have been taken if tax incentives had not reduced potential losses in the first place?

Anyway, it is a true guilty pleasure to read about developers who don’t build anything without tax giveaways (Cordish is doing this in St. Louis, too), and about the fights between city officials who court them. The most egregious line in the correspondence quoted in the article is where Cordish decries the city’s allowance of festival liquor licenses in parts of the city other than downtown. The audacity! How dare city hall allow people to have fun outside of the power and light district! I don’t generally side with the government, but it is hard not to do so here. Excellent series of articles by the Star.

Police You Can Count On

The Post-Dispatch reports that St. Louis has a new police chief. My favorite part of the article:

[New chief Daniel] Isom said he will take a more modern approach by decentralizing the decision-making.

“I want to push resources down to the district level in the neighborhoods, so officers can rapidly respond to crime,” he explained.

I was pleasantly surprised by this. All too often, governments speak of the strength and reliability of centralization, while nearly the whole history of free-market economic thought touts the benefits of individual-level decision making. In particular, this reminds me of the argument for law enforcement decentralization put forth by David Friedman in chapter 17 of this month’s Show-Me Institute book club selection. Friedman makes the case that centralized police forces tend to invest more of their resources protecting the wealthy, causing the poor to feel powerless against crime and, indeed, infractions by the police themselves.

Delegation of authority to local levels should result in, at the very least, increased accountability. I look forward to observing the effectiveness of Isom’s implementation, and, more importantly, his administration’s results.

Greene County Could Benefit From Non-Partisan Judicial Selection

You may have heard there will be an election this November. Alongside trivial votes, such as who to choose for president, residents of Greene County will decide whether to adopt Missouri’s non-partisan court plan for their jurisdiction. Under the proposed change, Greene County judges would be selected by Missouri’s governor from a panel of three chosen by a judicial commission, rather than by popular election. The new commission would consist of the county’s chief judge, two citizens selected by the governor, and two lawyers elected by the county bar association.

This method of judicial selection is used for all of the state’s Supreme Court and appellate judges, as well as the judges for five circuits serving large cities and counties in Missouri. A recent study by the Show-Me Institute shows that adoption of this type of non-partisan court plan provides a better environment for economic performance and growth.

The “Missouri Plan,” as the system is known — because Missouri was the first state to adopt such a format — has been subsequently adopted, in various forms, by 25 other states. However, the plan has recently been the subject of much controversy here at home. In particular, some critics have accused the appellate commission — which selects the panels for openings to the state’s highest courts — of gaming the selection process by providing a panel consisting of one person that the commission supports and two others that they know would be unacceptable to the governor. There is much truth in these accusations, but the overall history of the plan, as well as its current operations in the local circuits, has been far less controversial. The Missouri Plan has served our state well by reducing the level of partisan politics in judicial selections.

In May, the Show-Me Institute released a study, “Is the ‘Missouri Plan’ Good for Missouri? The Economics of Judicial Selection,” by professors Joshua Hall and Russell Sobel. The study compared the various methods of judicial selection used in each state to that state’s legal quality ranking, as measured by the Institute for Legal Reform. The ILR ranks all 50 states every year according to results from a survey of attorneys representing large corporations. While the rankings are admittedly biased toward the interests of big business, this also serves as a formidable counterweight to the oft-heard charges that the Missouri Plan unfairly benefits trial lawyers.

The results of Hall’s and Sobel’s study are unambiguous: States that use some variant of the Missouri Plan’s merit-based system of judicial selection rank higher in terms of overall legal quality, according to the ILR survey, than states that elect their judges in either partisan or non-partisan races. Partisan elections, like those in Greene County, rank the lowest, by a significant margin.

The implications for Greene County are clear. The Hall and Sobel study presented economic findings that a legal system’s quality matters for economic growth, and although the paper focuses on statewide judicial selection plans, the hallmarks of a good statewide environment for business also apply at the county level. Respect for property rights, reliable enforcement of contracts, market-friendly laws, and fair juries are the foundations of a healthy business environment at any level of government. Positive efforts and statewide reforms, such as tort reform, can only go so far if the rulings of local elected judges are subject to electoral pressures.

The proposed judicial selection changes for Greene County should not be interpreted as an attack on the county’s current elected judges. In fact, eliminating the factor of partisan elections will relieve those judges of external pressures. If the non-partisan selection system is implemented, sitting judges will be maintained in office, subject to the people’s future retention votes.

The study by Hall and Sobel shows that selection systems with appointed judges correlates with generally improved environments for business and economic growth. In the long run, this change will benefit the people of Greene County by helping to ensure that the county remains a healthy environment for the free market to flourish.

David Stokes is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute.

 

Cigarette Taxes

The Jefferson City News-Tribune reports on one economist’s campaign to raise the cigarette tax. Tom Kruckemeyer wants the tax to go up by 15 cents per pack, with the resulting revenue to be spent on public health. And, although he doesn’t spell this out explicitly, it’s implied that the state will be doing everyone a favor by discouraging their smoking habits.

Let’s leave aside for now the issue of whether the government should discourage self-destructive behavior. If we agree that we should try to convince people not to smoke, is a slightly higher tax on cigarettes going to do the trick?

I don’t think so. First, cigarette smokers already face huge costs in terms of insurance premiums, medical care, health, and longevity. If they’re willing to accept those costs, an extra expense of a few pennies per pack is unlikely to deter them.

Second, smokers can go elsewhere to buy cigarettes. Here’s an example from the article:

“Being a low-tax state is a good thing,” said Ron Leone, executive director of the Missouri Petroleum Marketers Association. “Because it draws consumers from our higher-tax border states who come here and generate revenue.”

If smokers from other states come here to buy cigarettes now, Missouri’s smokers will be equally free to go elsewhere if we raise the tax.

Can’t Believe I Missed This Article Last Month …

At the Show-Me Institute, we love ethanol. More to the point, we love writing and blogging about the lunacy of America’s — and Missouri’s — ethanol policies. Here in Missouri, one of the most prominent critics of the state’s E-10 ethanol mandate has been SEMO Professor Michael Devaney. He was published back last month in the Southeast Missourian, with another great article on the subject. This is another in a series of ethanol articles he has written for the paper.

I love his summary of the situation we are in when it comes to the government getting involved in places that it has no business (as if that were rare):

No one is smart enough to predict with certainty which of these technologies will ultimately prevail, least of all politicians who are easily influenced by powerful special interests. It is more certain that American taxpayers will continue to subsidize corn ethanol regardless of the outcome.

Of course, I would be remiss if I did not take this opportunity to link to our own case study on this issue.

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