Parental Choice, on Camera

The Cascade Policy Institute is sponsoring a school choice video contest, and many interesting entries are popping up on YouTube. I enjoyed watching this one about Rachel’s experiences at her charter school:

Now, charter schools are still public schools, and taxpayers do fund them. But aside from that inaccuracy, I think it’s a great video. Exploring equestrian careers is definitely an opportunity most traditional public schools don’t give their students. I also liked the father’s comment that you can’t push every student into the (traditional) public school box.

Charter Schools Succeed at Language Instruction

Charter schools, the public schools run by independent organizations that are continual subjects of debate, are often compared to traditional public schools on the basis of facts and figures. Education reformers pore over test scores and graduation rates. They ask how many alumni go on to attend college. They tally the number of school computers and count how many hours students spend in the classroom. All of those measures reveal something about school quality, of course, but parents may consider any number of other factors when choosing where to send their children.

Fortunately, charter schools have the flexibility to tailor their curricula to specific types of student needs. For instance, charter schools that focus on foreign languages are flourishing across the country. Here in Missouri, there is currently one French-immersion charter school, Academie Lafayette of Kansas City, and French- and Spanish-immersion charters are set to open this year in Saint Louis. These specialized charter schools give students language-learning opportunities unmatched by traditional public schools, and their achievement in this area of instruction showcases the charter model’s advantages.

Many traditional public schools list foreign languages in their course offerings, in recognition of the cultural awareness and economic competitiveness that students gain from language learning. Still, the differences in how traditional districts and charter schools approach foreign languages are striking. Traditional public schools typically begin teaching foreign languages in middle school, or even later, by which time students are too old to absorb new vocabulary through effortless play and imitation. Students struggle with spelling drills and grammatical rules. Even if a teacher creates the most imaginative language lessons possible, the students have few other experiences with the language to reinforce what they’ve learned. What happens in French class stays in French class.

That’s not to say individual districts haven’t tried. Some, acknowledging the importance of early exposure to a foreign language, have introduced Spanish or French classes into their elementary schools. In Tarrytown, N.Y., for example, kindergarten and first-grade students study Spanish for 20 minutes each day. Older children receive one 40-minute lesson every fourth day. This is similar to the Ladue district’s Spanish program here in Missouri. Ladue kindergarteners study Spanish for 20 minutes three times a week; first- through fifth-graders have Spanish class for 30 minutes twice a week. Students don’t hear nearly enough Spanish to gain fluency, but because classrooms have to wait their turns for the Spanish specialist, more Spanish time isn’t possible. Ambitious districts like these may squeeze a little more foreign language time into the school day. However, producing multilingual graduates is hardly a top priority in terms of class time or resources.

For language-immersion charter schools, language acquisition isn’t just a 20-minute activity; it’s the focus of the entire school. “Welcome” banners and cafeteria signs are printed in the target language. (Or languages. Many teach multiple languages in addition to English, like the World Language Academy in Chestnut Mountain, Ga., which features both Spanish and Mandarin Chinese.) Immersion requires a significant chunk of school time, although this varies by school and by grade level. At the low end, the Ben Gamla Charter School in Hollywood, Fla., teaches Hebrew during two class periods. At the other end of the spectrum, the Yu Ying Public Charter School in Washington, D.C., is conducted entirely in Mandarin Chinese. And some charter schools, like Kansas City’s Academie Lafayette, start out with full immersion in the early grades and gradually introduce more English time as students grow older.

There’s no law that says traditional districts can’t adopt school languages and teach various subjects in an immersion environment. Charter schools don’t have that kind of legal advantage. But they do have the advantage of specialization. To attract students, they must create unique educational features that aren’t found in every other school. Charters start from scratch with new ideas and needn’t try to cram language time into preexisting schedules. And, because students choose to attend charters, they’re free to go out on a limb with policies that might not work in all schools but could be very successful for students who are interested.

Parents who want to cultivate a love of languages in their children should consider sending them to language-immersion charter schools. Charters’ language programs stand in sharp contrast to those offered by traditional public schools, and are a testimony to the benefits of specialization and competition.

Sarah Brodsky is a former Show-Me Institute policy analyst. She works as a freelance writer.

 

Universal Preschool

Adam Schaeffer talks about universal preschool on the Cato Daily Podcast. A few of his main points:

  1. It’s hard to scale up successful preschool programs. If a program succeeds with 150 kids, that doesn’t mean you can replicate it across your state and get the same results.
  2. Districts see preschool as a growth opportunity. Ninety percent of K–12 students attend public schools, but there’s more competition at the preschool and college levels.
  3. Talking about preschool shifts the focus away from criticisms of the K–12 system.
  4. Tuition tax credits would open up more preschool choices for low-income families without growing the K–12 monopoly.

I especially like the third point. I can imagine districts complaining, once they offer preschool, that they can’t educate the three- through 18-year-olds well, because they don’t have custody of the kids from birth.

Listen to the whole thing!

Spending on Second Life

Bill Schrier comments on Missouri’s Second Life presence. He thinks spending time on Second Life is a waste of taxpayers’ money. Even though Second Life activities don’t cost much in terms of dollars, they’re a drain on state employees’ time.

Schrier has an interesting idea about the potential benefits of Second Life for consumers. If people buy things on Second Life instead of in the real world, that could reduce conspicuous consumption and free up resources for more important uses.

I’m not sure I agree that Second Life spending is a substitute for real-life spending. Many companies are on Second Life, presumably because they believe it helps their real sales. Trying out a product on Second Life might lead people to buy it when they’re offline. (Uh oh, advertising. Don’t tell Consumers International.)

But if Schrier is right about that, then Second Life activity by Missouri state employees is better than I originally thought. I’ll be happy if Missouri spends on Second Life for a fraction of the cost, and takes it easy in the real world.

A Problem We Don’t Have in Missouri

I often complain that traditional public school systems assign students to schools based on where they live. Disadvantaged students, who can’t afford to move to other districts or pay for private schooling, are forced into schools that have no competition. There’s another downside of the system, which won’t inspire much sympathy, but which shows that it’s failing people across the board: Wealthy families in high-density neighborhoods can be shut out of their local schools. (You don’t see that in Missouri, but it happens in Manhattan.)

This model of matching kids with schools works poorly. Some schools are operating under capacity, and districts have to go to a lot of time and trouble to consolidate — and risk alienating parents along the way. Others, like the Manhattan schools mentioned in the article, can’t accommodate all the children in their zones.

Severing the tie between residence and school would allow greater efficiency, and it would also reduce parents’ stress from trying to get into the “right” neighborhood near the “right” school.

I Love the Mountains, I Love the Rolling Hills

Thank you, Combest, for linking to this fantastic op-ed by Katy Steinmetz about the Missouri Scholars Academy. Steinmetz argues that the state should cut funds to the camp, and she responds to several criticisms of the cuts. I want to just copy and paste the whole thing here because it’s all worth reading, but I have to make a choice about which part to quote, so I’ll show you what she says about the Scholars Academy’s social benefits:

The academy certainly did provide tear-inspiring social acceptance when I was there, but it is not the state’s responsibility to pay for creating that environment. Nerdy outcasts should by all means huddle together and support one another in the summer months, but they should pay for that privilege – just as young Christians and overweight children and aspiring astronauts do at their respective camps.

She also discusses alternative sources of funding for the camp, which could allow the good times to continue without more appropriations.

It’s clear from the op-ed that Steinmetz’s lighthearted tone didn’t come about by accident. It was the result of careful cultivation; when she was a student at the Scholars Academy, she majored in humor.

The Right to Never Hear About Junk Food, So You Won’t Be Tempted to Eat It

The Post-Dispatch‘s Savvy Consumer blog linked to this website, which would be amusing if some people weren’t so serious about it. It’s Consumers International, dedicated to protecting some vague “rights” that consumers supposedly have to safety, information, etc. World Consumer Rights Day took place on March 15. I totally forgot to have a party celebrating that, but maybe I’ll put it on my calendar for next year.

If I were starting a consumer rights organization, there are several issues I would want to focus on. For example, parents’ ability to choose their child’s school. Or patients’ ability to choose medical treatments without being subjected to state rationing of services. Or consumers’ ability to buy products from outside their city or region.

Needless to say, those are not the applications of consumer rights that Consumers International cares about. To find out what they do care about, I looked around their website and related blogs. Marketing junk food to children is a major concern. Take a look at this post about Lucky Charms. It describes a complicated legal dispute with General Mills over advertising, a taste of which (pun intended) can be seen in these two paragraphs:

The General Mills Canada Corporation created an actual advertising system to promote its sweet cereals, Lucky Charms, among children. The website for which the complaint was made was advertised on the product packaging (which is in itself a form of advertising, but is subject to an exemption according to the regulations for implementation of the Consumer Protection Act (CPA)).

The many appeals of the website particularly speak to the child’s appetites, in order to capture his interest. A wealth of games and animations featuring Lucky the Leprechaun were available on the site. With their fantastic and magical nature, these “webisodes” were clearly designed and aimed at an audience younger than 13, something that is defended in Section 248 of the CPA. As well, advertising messages automatically appeared on the screen: “Lucky Charms Chocolate cereals are now available in Canada”.

First, they point out that product packaging is a form of advertising. Well, yes it is, but what’s wrong with it? If a child sees an ad on a package, that’s because his or her parents already bought the product. Kids don’t wander around grocery stores reading the backs of random cereals.

The package advertised a website for kids. To me, that sounds like a good thing. Many parents are worried about their kids seeing adult content on the web, or coming across information they’re not ready for. If a cereal package directs them to a site that’s just fun and games for kids their age, it’s doing parents a service. Advertising children’s cereals and toys is the impetus for developing kid-friendly websites. Few organizations would develop elaborate Internet content for kids with no hope of remuneration.

And because kids usually aren’t able to do a lot of shopping independently of their parents, advertising to them can’t have much effect, anyway. It’s not like kids can get a job, drive to the store, and buy whatever cereal they want. I think the “advertising” is more about responding to parents‘ wants than trying to convince kids to buy something. Parents like to see their kids engaged in the world around them. They’d prefer to buy a cereal with cute mascots on the front of the box, puzzles on the back of the box, and online games.

Of course, my arguments wouldn’t reassure Consumers International. They’re unhappy with anybody encountering advertising for junk food, not just children. They do have an alternative in mind for you to eat: street food. Here’s a description of how street food is served, from the “What is street food?” page:

It is served with the minimum amount of fuss in individual portions dished into take-away containers.

These containers come in a variety of materials such as disposable plastic, paper and Styrofoam plates, bowls, cups and utensils.

Is that environmentally sustainable consumption?

Nonpartisan Elections a Bad Idea for Franklin County

When it comes to elections, everyone wants the same thing: high voter turn-out and a well-informed electorate. Unfortunately, those two goals often work against each other. Voters search for shorthand cues — such as political party identification, incumbency, gender, and ethnicity — that might indicate which choice would best fit their own political inclinations and voting preferences. The charter proposal currently before Franklin County voters would designate the newly created offices of county council and county executive as nonpartisan positions, meaning that candidates would not run as Democrats or Republicans. Party affiliation is an efficient mechanism by which candidates reveal information about themselves to voters. Party labels aid typical voters in deciding which candidate better fits their preferences. Although the proposed charter includes many positive aspects, civic leaders need to ensure that voters can still make use of shorthand cues to increase their ability to cast informed votes, rather than taking those cues away.

Historically, supporters of nonpartisan elections touted them as a means of fighting corruption by urban political machines — a situation that does not apply to Franklin County. The next common argument is that local issues do not fall along partisan lines, as is the case in Jefferson City or Washington, D.C., so partisan elections would be irrelevant. While that may be generally true for smaller towns and suburbs, it is not always the case for counties — particularly larger ones, like Franklin. Counties are not cities, and should not be governed as such. Counties contain competing interests, and must deal with issues, such as zoning and taxation levels, that sometimes fall along traditional partisan lines. In those cases, party identification can guide voters to make a more informed choice.

The Kansas City City Council is the most prominent nonpartisan elected body in Missouri, yet the substantial majority of its members are quite partisan by any practical definition. Almost half of them have previously served as state representatives, and many of the others are currently active in partisan organizations. A former Kansas City mayor just ran for Congress in a partisan race. Nonpartisan elections have not taken party activism out of Kansas City politics.

A final common argument in favor of nonpartisan elections is not so much an argument as it is a hope. Some seem to believe that eliminating party identification will lead voters to make more informed decisions because they no longer have a partisan shortcut. This is wishful thinking at best, because there is no evidence to suggest that this happens. There might be an extremely small number of people for whom the lack of a party label acts as an incentive for them to research their decisions more carefully, but the vast majority of voters will simply look for other cues to decide their votes — particularly incumbency, but also gender, family name, and party recommendations.

This last item — party recommendations — is key. The most informed voters are also, almost always, the most political voters. It is only common sense that these two qualities coincide. Even without partisan elections for Franklin County’s new offices, factions will still develop — and the existing party structure will still support one faction over another. For instance, from 1913 to 1973, Minnesota’s legislative elections were nonpartisan. During that period, the legislature quickly developed conservative and liberal caucuses, political parties still endorsed particular candidates, and researchers at MIT and Princeton found, “A large segment of the electorate consistently voted for one party across offices even in the absence of party labels.”

In “Teams Without Uniforms: The Nonpartisan Ballot in State and Local Elections,” a study for Political Research Quarterly, three political scientists concluded that nonpartisan elections led to decreased voter turnout and increased the advantages of incumbency. They also failed to find evidence that nonpartisan elections lead to a more informed electorate, stating, “there is little reason to believe that nonpartisanship promotes an effective policy linkage between citizens and their elected leaders.”

The decision to mandate nonpartisan elections as part of Franklin County’s charter proposal is troubling. Voters there deserve the same candidate information they receive for other elections. Nonpartisan elections in an area as large as Franklin County will not lead voters to cast more informed ballots for county races — particularly when it comes to the county executive. Despite the many worthwhile parts of the proposed county charter, nonpartisan elections will not lead to better government in Franklin County.

David Stokes is a policy analyst for the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank.

 

Online Mandates

Virtual schools, like the Missouri Virtual Instruction Program, give families for educational choices. I think that’s a good thing. But should online classes be mandatory? This article in School Reform News discusses Alabama’s new requirement that every student take an online course in order to graduate.

The reasoning behind this isn’t clear. The people quoted in the article talk about equalizing education across the state and giving everyone opportunities to take specialized courses. Those are great reasons to offer online courses — but not to force anyone to participate who doesn’t want to.

It seems like some reformers see promising new opportunities and reflexively conclude that everyone has to take advantage of them, or else. It’s this pattern that led to my concern about imitating Asia, which I briefly mentioned in this post. I’m happy about virtual schools, bilingual programs, and other reforms and innovations. Let’s keep them voluntary, and let people choose them if they wish.

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