Limiting Solar Farming?

A new piece of legislation introduced in the Missouri Legislature, House Bill (HB) 2651, would limit the amount of land that can be used for solar panels relative to farmland:

The total amount of real property associated with all solar energy projects that are established in any one county in this state shall not exceed an amount greater than two percent of all cropland in a county.

This bill highlights a legitimate concern. Solar farms take up a significant amount of space and require extensive transmission construction as well.

Nonetheless, interfering in the free market and banning the sale of land for solar energy projects seems like a step too far. While there are ample concerns with solar energy, why is the state government limiting property rights and picking winners and losers in the energy market?

If our state is concerned with the rapid growth of solar, the future reliability of our energy grid, and land use, why not take the shackles off the operation of the free market in energy? The Missouri Legislature could loosen restrictions around the nuclear industry. A traditional nuclear energy facility has a very small land footprint, requiring about 1.3 square miles per 1,000 megawatts of energy.

To generate the same amount of energy as nuclear, less powerful silicon solar photovoltaic farms need on average 63 times more land.

As I have written before, Missouri could do this by setting a solid foundation for nuclear and eliminating government restrictions on the industry. But what we don’t need is more government interference in the free market.

Caught Between a Rock and a Wet Place

The Metropolitan Sewer District (MSD) has a tax or price increase on the April ballot in St. Louis City and County. The question is not whether your taxes or fees are going up. They are. The question is in what manner they are increasing and by how much.

There are two different questions on the ballot. One is whether to issue $750 million in bonds for sewer system improvements. The other is whether or not to increase property taxes on residential property and approve a charge on commercial properties based on the amount of impervious area a property has—for example, how much of the land is a parking lot.

MSD is going to spend the money. It has to according to a lawsuit settlement with the EPA from years ago. If the bonds are approved, monthly prices for property owners will go up less rapidly in the short term, but more in the long run as the cost of bond financing will be added to the total cost. If the bonds are rejected, monthly prices will go up dramatically in the short run but will come down somewhat over time. The total cost will be lower due to no bond financing charges, but the immediate sticker shock will be substantial.

The impervious area charge for commercial property is the most interesting change. MSD tried to do something similar several years ago for more types of properties, but had to change after fierce resistance and lawsuits. I think basing part of your stormwater charges on how much of your property is grass and how much is asphalt (or other substances) is a great idea. Properties with more impervious areas like asphalt or concrete absorb less stormwater and create more stress on the overall stormwater management system. In a sense, this is a user fee. I would like to see MSD do that, in part, for residential property too.

The most troubling part of the proposal is how MSD intends to spend the money if the tax increase and impervious land fee are approved. Instead of spending the revenues based entirely on need, ten percent of the money will be used to create an “environmental justice fund.” It seems fair to wonder if money in an “environmental justice fund” will be spent based on engineering and science instead of social justice priorities. The justice fund is enough to make me hope the whole proposal fails. Another ten percent of the money will be spent based on decisions from a “regional advisory committee.”  Given that these sorts of committees are often based on political power and influence trading instead of engineering needs, you could wonder if this is another example of other priorities superseding engineering needs.

As Homer wrote and The Police sang, voters’ choices here are caught between Scylla and Charybdis. Sewer and stormwater rates are increasing no matter what. The vote feels like you are voting for General Secretary of the Politburo and there is only one choice on the ballot. Either way, your best hope is that the new pick dies quickly.

Royals Move Downtown Is Not About Baseball

John Sherman, the billionaire owner of the Kansas City Royals, wants a new stadium in downtown Kansas City, funded with a new sales tax. He doesn’t need public money to do this and it won’t drive economic development. It’s a cash grab, pure and simple.

Royals-loving Jackson County voters might think this is about baseball; it is not. It’s about Sherman enriching himself and his investors, leveraging our love of the Royals so he can drive up the value of the team. A recent CNN report pointed out:

Teams are now real estate plays for billionaire owners, stadiums increasingly serve as anchors for mixed-use shopping and entertainment districts, and development rights around stadiums for owners have become a key component of public financing for these projects.

Sound familiar? That same CNN story points out that the trend of moving stadiums downtown is relatively new. Prior to that, in the 1960s and ‘70s, new stadium construction moved to the suburbs—just as the Chiefs moved from Municipal Stadium to Arrowhead in 1972 at public expense. (Kansas City leaders are nothing if not suckers for developers’ slick sales pitches.)

The trend to move stadiums back downtown started in 1992, when the Baltimore Orioles opened Camden Yards. The deal struck by the Orioles owner, Peter Angelos, is a cautionary tale for Kansas City.

Neil deMause, freelance journalist and editor of the website Field of Schemes, has covered the Orioles for years. In 2019, he noted rumors of a possible Orioles move to Nashville. Orioles CEO John Angelos, son of the elderly owner, then inked a lease keeping the Orioles in place for 30 years.

Well, not exactly. According to deMause:

. . . the new lease gives Orioles owner John Angelos, or whoever buys the team from him, an out clause where he can leave early if he can’t come to an agreement with the state on a development deal for the area around Camden Yards by the end of 2027.

Maryland Governor Wes Moore extolled the agreement as protecting taxpayers, but it didn’t. In fact, the governor weakened his negotiating position because of that 2027 deadline—he either caves to Angelos on area development or risks triggering that out clause. Or, as Sherman has done in Kansas City, the owners could seek to renegotiate a subsidy package years before the lease expires.

The Angelos family recently announced they are selling the Orioles to billionaire David Rubenstein for over $1.72 billion.

Here’s the point: In 2019, when the rumors started that the team may relocate, the Orioles were valued at $1.3 billion. After renegotiating leases, additional subsidies, and an area development agreement, the team sold for over $1.72 billion. That’s a 33% increase in value driven not by playing baseball, but by negotiating deals—deals taxpayers paid for with subsidies.

Beyond the cost, deals like this allow developers to influence who sits on the other side of the negotiating table by backing sympathetic (or simply malleable) politicians. Here in Kansas City, Burns & McDonnell was one of the largest contributors to local political candidates, including Mayor Sly James, the year it applied for and received millions of dollars in taxpayer-funded subsidies. Incidentally, Sly James is now on Sherman’s stadium tax campaign payroll.

Whether you’re on the diamond or in city hall, it pays to play ball.

But nothing about this is about baseball. It’s about money and contracts.

If voters agree to the new stadium tax, elected leaders will have less leverage to strike a good deal on community benefits agreements, leases, and more. If the measure is defeated, Sherman and the county, in a stronger position, will go back to the negotiating table—hopefully cutting a better deal for taxpayers.

Sherman and his partners want to make as much money as they can, and that is fine. Voters need to be just as clear eyed about the costs and benefits of this proposal.

Temporary Licenses for Out-of-state Workers

Recently, the Missouri Senate held a hearing on Senate Bill (SB) 817, which would modify some occupational licensing requirements in Missouri. Particularly, it would define how to apply licensing reciprocity when Missouri requires a license for an occupation but another state does not.

The Institute for Justice has identified nine occupations for which Missouri requires a license that are not subject to licensing in at least 15 states. For example, Missouri is one of 22 states that requires a license to work as a sign-language interpreter. Acquiring the license entails $442 in fees, 60 credit hours of education, and two exams. Under current statute, if a sign-language interpreter with three years or more of experience from a state that doesn’t require licensing moved to Missouri, they would have to spend the time and money to acquire a license before they could work here.

SB 817 would not waive licensing requirements for these sign-language interpreters, but it would provide access to a temporary license (if an individual has already worked for three years in the relevant field) while they satisfy Missouri licensing requirements.

Oversight bodies can still require that applicants take license-related exams and charge fees. The goal of this bill does not appear to be reducing licensing requirements, but allowing people who move to Missouri to work during the process of acquiring a license.

I think this bill would improve the status quo. However, I still do not think those who are experienced in their field need to waste time and resources fulfilling licensing requirements. SB 817 has language that says:

Upon expiration [of the temporary license], the individual shall be required to apply for a permanent license in accordance with the license requirements for the occupation . . .

SB 817 has some good qualities, as it makes it easier for people to work in our state. However, we are still left with the question of why Missouri imposes licensing requirements at all when other states do not. Moreover, if a person has three years of work experience in a field, why is Missouri requiring that they jump through additional hoops? Absent a showing of a real health or welfare concern, it looks as if Missouri is just protecting revenue streams to special interests. Shouldn’t lawmakers consider changing this bill to waive these extra bureaucratic hoops and encourage more people to come to work in Missouri?

March 21 in St. Louis: The Insider’s Hour with Show-Me Institute

What’s happening in Jefferson City?

Get the scoop on the expanding Missouri budget, transparency in healthcare pricing, and free-market policies at our Insider’s Hour!

Join us at one of two open discussions with Brenda Talent, David Stokes, and Elias Tsapelas from the Show-Me Institute.

Thursday, March 21

MAC West

1777 Des Peres Road

St. Louis, MO 63131

Doors open: 11:30 a.m.

Discussion and Q&A: 12-1:00 p.m.

Ticket Price: Sold out

The lunch event is at capacity. Tickets still remain for the evening event below. 

 

Thursday, March 21

Cafe Napoli

7754 Forsyth Boulevard

St. Louis, MO 63105

Doors open: 4:30 p.m.

Discussion and Q&A: 5-5:45 p.m.

Ticket Price: $15.00 (includes a beverage and light snacks)

Purchase Tickets Here

Speakers:

Brenda Talent

CEO

David Stokes

Director of Municipal Policy

Elias Tsapelas

Director of State Budget and Fiscal Policy

Getting Education Right with Mike McShane and Rick Hess

Susan Pendergrass speaks to Mike McShane and Rick Hess about their new book Getting Education Right: A Conservative Vision for Improving Early Childhood, K–12, and College.

In Getting Education Right: A Conservative Vision for Improving Early Childhood, K–12, and College, Frederick M. Hess and Michael Q. McShane argue that America has too long suffered from the absence of a robust, coherent, and principled conservative vision for educational improvement. The problem? The right has too narrowly focused on school choice, campus speech, and shrinking Washington’s footprint, while the left has sought to subsidize and supersize the status quo. The solution? An education system imbued with shared values, respectful of family ties, and equipped for the challenges of the 21st century.

Listen on Apple Podcasts 

Listen on SoundCloud

Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

Why Is This Still a Debate?

My colleagues and friends, Mike McShane and Rick Hess, have co-authored a book on their conservative vision for public education. Getting Education Right: A Conservative Vision for Improving Early Childhood, K-12, and College has lots of smart ideas and sensible prescriptions for how to better educate our children.

But one takeaway for me, as someone who has been in the field of education reform for decades, is that we need to stop apologizing and giving up ground because our work happens outside of the circled wagons of the education establishment. The fact is that partnering with parents instead of hiding things from them, giving parents access to the childcare setting of their choice instead of creating universal, government-managed pre-K programs, and letting parents decide where each of their children will attend school aren’t really reforms—they’re just common sense. And most people agree.

Take school choice, for example. It’s no longer a radical idea that must be wrangled with and heavily negotiated by state legislatures. Public opinion surveys repeatedly find that very few people are opposed to the idea, regardless of the type of program.

Teachers unions may have loud voices and large platforms, but that doesn’t mean that we have to set common sense aside. The idea that parents can be trusted should no longer be up for debate.

KC Stadium Debate, MetroLink Expansion, and MO Loses the Top Spot

David Stokes, Elias Tsapelas, and Patrick Tuohey join Zach Lawhorn to discuss:

– The stadium tax debate in Kansas City
– The MetroLink expansion plan advances in St. Louis
– How to make it easier to access virtual health care in Missouri, and more

Listen on Apple Podcasts 

Listen on SoundCloud

Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

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