Florida Deadline Comes and Goes; Missouri’s Attorney General Is Not Yet On Board

Not only have a majority of Missouri voters signaled that they’re against the health care law, lawmakers in Jeff City have, too. The Missouri Senate recently filed a resolution, SR 27, encouraging Attorney General Chris Koster to join the multistate lawsuit in Florida that challenges the federal health care regulation. This resolution is similar to the one passed recently by the Missouri House, HR 39. Practically the only person who hasn’t demonstrated interest in joining the lawsuit is Koster.

This is an issue that we have been tracking very closely at the Show-Me Institute.

Critics argue that joining the lawsuit will be a waste of time and money for Missouri. This argument is not factually true; Missouri will incur few costs by joining. If Koster decided to join the lawsuit, the only cost for the taxpayers of Missouri would be the time it takes for somebody in the attorney general’s office to write the letter, along with the price of a postage stamp — if that.

Although states are free to help offset the costs of the lawsuit, it is completely voluntary. Furthermore, the maximum amount that they may contribute is $5,000. According to the 2010 U.S. Census, there are 5,988,927 individuals living in Missouri. If they were to split this sum equally, each person would pay less than nine hundredths of one cent to fund Missouri’s contribution to the lawsuit. That’s 9 cents for every 100 residents. Decrying the cost of the lawsuit is a smokescreen argument.

Koster would be wise to free-ride on the Florida lawsuit. Missourians have nothing to lose by joining the lawsuit, but they have much to gain, such as freedom in their health care decisions.

There’s No Such Thing as a Free Food Festival

Some aldermen in Chicago are objecting to the bids coming in to operate the city’s famous “Taste of Chicago” event. In a prior blog post, we discussed the proposal by the city of Chicago to privatize its famous festival. Until this year, Chicago has used tax dollars to fund its food festival, just as the city of Clayton has used tax dollars to pay for part of its prior “Taste of Clayton” events. In all honesty, it is hard to think of anything that governments fund that should be more obviously left to the private sector than food festivals.

The Chiacgo aldermatic objections to the privatization bid center on the private operator’s proposed plan to charge an admission fee and (gasp!) sell tickets to the accompanying concerts. Chicago has been a leader in privatizing public services, and you might think that a major food festival should be an obvious choice once you have privatized a highway, parking meters, and (almost) an airport. But apparently some alderman are drawing the line at food and music festivals:

“Is there a cap? What contract are we signing? Is it gonna be another thing where they can increase the rates every year?” [Ald. George] Cardenas said, referring to the deal that privatized Chicago parking meters. “It’s a tragedy that we have to be in this situation where people can’t even enjoy their own city, enjoy their own lakefront. They have to pay for it.”

By “enjoy their own city, enjoy their own lakefront,” he does not mean taking an evening stroll along the beach. Rather, he’s suggesting that attending an enormous food festival with booths, bands, security, sanitary facilities, promotional marketing, street and parking adjustments, and scores of other necesities that all cost money … that should all be free of charge to the people who attend, until they actually buy something. (I will give the alderman the benefit of the doubt that he does not think even the food should be free.)

This relates to issues in Missouri. The city of Clayton recently attempted to pass a hotel tax increase that would have been partly used to fund the Taste of Clayton.  Instead of trying to fund Taste of Clayton with tax dollars, Clayton should allow restaurants (or any private operator) to host it themselves, and charge the private actor for any extra costs incurred by the city, or not host it at all. A food festival is something that private organizations can provide, and is not a core function of local government.

I hope that Clayton follows Chicago’s example and bids out the entire management and operation of the “Taste of Clayton” to private operators, without any taxpayer support.

Students: Apply to Work at the Show-Me Institute This Summer!

The deadline to apply to be a Charles G. Koch Summer Fellow — a program that includes two weeks of seminars about the philosophy of liberty at the Institute for Humane Studies in D.C., and eight weeks working as an intern with the Show-Me Institute here in Missouri — is rapidly approaching. Applications are due on Monday, Jan. 31. If you’d like to work with the Show-Me Institute this summer, the summer fellow program is your best bet.

If you’re debating whether you should apply, take a look at some of the highlights that Caitlin Hartsell, our Koch Fellow from 2009, produced during her time working here for the eight-week program (and later, as a Show-Me Institute research assistant):

Here are more highlights from our 2008 Koch Fellow, Matt Simpson:

This just scratches the surface of all the research that they, and our other interns, helped out with behind the scenes.

So, once again, if you’d like to have the chance to dive into Missouri public policy this summer, be sure to apply to be a Charles G. Koch Summer Fellow. After the Jan. 31 deadline, it may be too late.

Missouri House Passed Resolution Encouraging Koster to Join Lawsuit

Yesterday, with a vote of 115-46, the Missouri House passed a resolution encouraging Missouri to join the multistate lawsuit in Frorida. This lawsuit challenges the federal health care law and encourages Congress to repeal it.

Encouraging Attorney General Chris Koster to join the lawsuit is a topic that we’ve been tracking closely at the Show-Me Institute. Executive Director Brenda Talent released an open letter to the attorney general on Thursday. I discussed the topic in an editorial that published in the Springfield News-Leader, on the Mike Ferguson show on the Eagle 93.9 FM in Columbia, and in some posts on the blog. The Show-Me Institute also released an “urgent call for action” via email last week.

With the passage of Proposition C, Missouri voters were the first to oppose this attempt by the federal government to take control over health care, and they deserve to have an attorney general that listens to them. The precedent that Missourians set by approving Proposition C could be continued if Koster joins the lawsuit. The fact that the Missouri House has passed a resolution is another signal that Missourians oppose the health care law.

Other states have recently jumped on board, including Wisconsin, Ohio, Wyoming, and Kansas. There’s no compelling reason why Missouri should not be on the list.

Externalities of Private School Competition

I am writing this post from India, where I have been vacationing the past few weeks. One of the most striking features of the social organization here is the prevalence of private schooling. Selection bias aside, I have yet to meet a student who attends a public school. It is not uncommon for impoverished children and children of slum residents to spurn free public education in favor of private education. Recognizing this, I have been wondering how the increased share of private school students here affects levels of educational innovation, test scores, and other educational outcomes. Fortunately, I’ve just found an interesting new study that evaluates this effect. The authors, Martin West and Ludger Woessmann, purport to measure the treatment effect of the “share of schools that are privately operated” on PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) scores. Of course, there is a problem here with determining causality. As they write:

Countries where more people choose to invest in private schools may have other attributes, such as higher income levels or a greater commitment to education, that lead to better achievement. If this is the case, any positive correlation between private schooling and student achievement could reflect a country’s income or educational commitment rather than any beneficial effects of competition. Or it may be the case that low-quality public schools increase the demand for private schooling. If so, then it could seem that competition lowered public school quality when in fact the causal connection could be in the opposite direction.

To solve for this, West and Woessmann exploit a technique that economists call an instrumental variables approach. Essentially, they found a new variable — the size of a country’s Catholic population in 1900 — which is a useful predictor for the current share of schools that are private. Because the new variable is a good predictor of the variable they are really interested in (share of schools that are private), but is presumably not influenced by higher income levels or greater commitment to education, using this new variable is more useful for determining causality.

Their results (emphasis added):

Our results indicate that the share of schools that are privately operated has an economically and statistically significant positive effect on student achievement in mathematics, science, and reading, even after controlling for the current levels of Catholics and for the share of funding that privately operated schools receive from the government. Larger historical Catholic shares that translate into a ten percentage point larger private school sector today increase average student achievement on the math test by 9% of an international standard deviation. Science and reading achievement increase by roughly 5% of a standard deviation. These patterns are evident despite the fact that the contemporary share of Catholics in each country is negatively related to student achievement, suggesting that distinctive cultural features of traditionally Catholic countries are unlikely to be driving these results. Importantly, much of the positive effect of private school shares accrues to students in public schools, suggesting that the overall effect is not simply due to privately operated schools being more effective, but rather it reflects benefits of competition.

It’s not clear how applicable these results are to private school competition within only the United States or within individual states such as Missouri. However, if the same pattern holds for educational institutions in Missouri, then policies that encourage private school competition, like vouchers or tuition tax credits, will have spillover benefits for public school students as well — not just the recipients of educational aid.

By the way, those readers who are now beginning to suspect that I spend most of my free time perusing the economics of education literature would be correct in that suspicion.

The Benefits of Federalism and Self-Government

Here is a fantastic video made by the students of Young Americans for Liberty at the University of Virginia (full disclosure: in my spare time, I am the Missouri State Chair for YAL) showing how we can make more people happy by keeping the ability to make choices at more local levels:

The idea has almost innumerable applications, but the most relevant example for Missourians today is the federal health care reform bill. Missourians overwhelmingly rejected the portion of the law requiring all Americans to purchase health insurance when they voted for Proposition C in August. However, barring repeal (effectively impossible) or a court injunction (more likely, especially if more attorneys general, like Missouri’s Chris Koster, join the pending lawsuit on the matter), we will all be forced to participate in a program that most of us dislike.

If decisions about health care policy were left up to the states, we could have a multitude of systems, which would better reflect the wishes of individual voters and generate more information about which policies work best. Some politicians in Vermont, including the new governor, have floated the idea of creating a single-payer health care system for the state. I think that’s a terrible policy because it removes competition from the system, and along with it any incentive to perform better-quality work for less money, but it is certainly within Vermont’s rights under the Constitution to try it. If the program succeeds, great. If it fails, we can all learn a valuable lesson and it will be far easier to change a state law than federal law.

Of course, the best system would be no system at all: Allow all individuals to decide what kind of health care plan they want. (We could design a health insurance voucher program for those without the means to pay for it on their own. This would allow them to choose among a number of options instead of being forced into a government program.) Government rules are one-size-fits-all by nature, but each person has different needs and wants. We are happiest when we can pursue those goals as we see fit.

Missouri: The Show Me Smuggler State

I want to direct our readers to an amusing post on Missourinet by Bob Priddy about the positive consequences of assessing a lower tax rate on cigarettes relative to other states. He argues that the state should advertise it and encourage smuggling. He writes:

The best part–and this is why the health department needs to sign on–is that they’ll take the cigarettes back to Illinois to smoke them, meaning their later health problems will be issues for Illinois to deal with, not Missouri. So Missouri would profit, generating more money for education, highways, and maybe for health programs, and Illinois would have to deal with the problems smoking causes. […]

Let’s all root for Illinois to pass this dollar-a-pack cigarette tax increase.
It can mean so much to The Smuggler State.

States already do use selective tax rates to advertise products, to a certain extent. Recently, I saw such an advertisement for cigarettes on the Wisconsin-Illinois border.

I realize that the author is largely being facetious, but there is truth in his analysis that Missouri would likely experience benefits as a consequence of this policy. By keeping its tax rate on cigarettes low relative to other states, Missouri will encourage a marginally higher number of individuals to buy cigarettes in Missouri instead of in their home states.

School Choice and Graduation Rates

A newly released report evaluating the impact of Milwaukee’s voucher program (Milwaukee Parental Choice Program) provides evidence that the program has improved student outcomes. The study notes that prior evaluations have demonstrated positive effects of the voucher program on test scores:

Do students benefit by using the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program (MPCP) to attend a private school instead of a Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) school? In addressing that question, most prior evaluations focus on whether students in the MPCP score better on tests of academic achievement than students in MPS schools. As reviewed in our 2007 report, two studies based on randomized trials each demonstrated significantly higher mathematics test scores for MPCP students as compared to MPS students four years after enrolling in the program; one study also showed significantly higher reading test scores.

In contrast, the focus of the present study was to investigate the effect of the voucher program on graduation rates:

Overall, had MPS graduation rates equaled those for MPCP students in the classes of 2003 through 2009, the number of MPS graduates would have been about 18 percent higher. That higher rate would have resulted in 3,939 more MPS graduates during the 2003-2009 years. A recent analysis of the economic impact of high school dropouts suggests that the annual impact from an additional 3,939 MPS graduates would include an additional $24.9 million in personal income and about $4.2 million in extra tax revenue.

An important consideration to bear in mind when reviewing education research is that educational goals are varied, and a wide variety of educational outcomes can be implicated by policy changes. As such, even if a policy change is demonstrated to have a negligent impact on an important student outcome such as test scores, that policy may still positively impact other desirable student outcomes. In the case of the voucher program in Milwaukee, it appears that several student outcomes are positively implicated by school choice. In other regions of the country, school choice programs have had a much less significant impact on test scores. It is important that researchers and the general public then probe the effects of such programs on other desirable outcomes, as well, before a summary judgment of the policy is made.

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