What Now, Ellisville?

The current Ellisville City Council is scheduled to vote on the Tax Increment Financing (TIF) proposal tonight. Last night’s election results – where a solidly anti-TIF candidate won the mayor’s race – will not go into effect for another couple of weeks. So, the question is, should the current city council, which appears to be pro-TIF (I would love to be wrong on that), make decisions during this brief “lame-duck” session that go against the pretty clear opinions of the voters? Obviously, I hope they listen to the voters and allow the new mayor and city council to make the decision.

They might not, though. In which case, Ellisville’s city charter thankfully allows for a referendum on ordinances. Here is the link (section 9 on page 24). Ellisville has about 6,700 registered voters, so if the city council passes the TIF ordinance tonight, opponents would have to file a petition within 10 days. After that filing, opponents would have a month to gather about 670 signatures to force a referendum. That referendum would allow the ordinance to either go to a vote of the people or require another vote of the city council, which would be the new city council that was elected yesterday. Because just about that number of people (667) voted for the anti-TIF, victorious mayoral candidate, I would think getting the signatures is certainly doable.

There are several other key questions here, but it could be a very interesting couple of weeks in Ellisville.

The Post-Dispatch’s $4 Billion Tax Hike

Missouri’s major dailies have had quite a run over the past few days. Last week, the Kansas City Star told readers that the state’s governor needed “to promote reasonable revenue-enhancing measures” — taxes — and put more money toward state programs. The notion of “government investment” features prominently in the piece, as increasingly has become the case when “revenue-enhancing measures” are suggested, post-Stimulus. What the editorial board does not say is that the city’s own local taxes are already among the highest in the region.

Stratospheric municipal taxes overlaid with an even higher state tax burden? This will not turn out well.

But yesterday, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Star‘s cross-state peer, spectacularly one-upped the Kansas City paper. The law constrains Missouri legislators on how much they can tax and spend each year, and Missouri is billions of dollars below the limit. How much of that difference would the Post-Dispatch like to spend?

All $4 billion of it.

A lot of folks purchased Mega Millions lottery tickets last week dreaming about what they could do with $640 million. Imagine what $4 billion would do for Missouri.

Let’s be clear: That is a radical tax hike proposal, tucked into what is otherwise an uninspired editorial about state and local governing responsibilities. Combined state and local tax rates have stayed roughly the same for decades in Missouri, but the Post-Dispatch would have those rates hurdle skyward to provide more public services and somehow, some way, improve the economy above the status quo.

Even the suggestion that raising taxes and then spending more would help the state makes no sense by the newspaper’s own standards. State and local tax rates have actually increased slightly since 1980, the apparent “good ole days” implied in the editorial, from 8.6 percent then to 9 percent today. The newspaper cannot even claim that plummeting tax burdens are the reason Missouri is suffering economically, because, by its own metric, taxes have actually increased over the last 30 years.

The proposal is mostly academic here in Missouri, as taxpayers and policymakers would blanch at the thought of such a hike, but the suggestion is still troubling. If implemented, the plan would have awful real-world implications — giving families less to spend and taking capital out of the market for use in less productive government programs. It is a roadmap to ruin, and yet the Post-Dispatch apparently does not see it.

“Imagine what $4 billion would do for Missouri”? No, imagine if lawmakers took their cues from Missouri’s newspapers. What a nightmare that would be.

Some School Districts Rarely Terminate Teachers

Missourinet reports today that legislative attempts to reform Missouri teacher tenure laws are being stopped in the Senate. Missouri Sen. Kevin Engler (R-Dist. 3) is concerned that proposed changes to teacher tenure go too far, saying “I think we should probably revise tenure . . . but I don’t know if we should just get rid of it.”

The Show-Me Institute is in the process of researching the impact of Missouri’s existing teacher tenure laws. We have made hundreds of information requests to school districts throughout the state to discover just how many teachers have been terminated in the past decade. Generally, we are seeing few — and in some cases no — teacher terminations. Clearly, some of these school districts continue to employ bad teachers.

I have listed teacher termination statics that we have received from school districts that fall within Engler’s Senate district. Three districts report that they have not terminated a single teacher since the year 2000.

Senator Kevin Engler’s Area:

Arcadia Valley R-III: Reports terminating one teacher since 2000.

Belleview School District: Reports that the district has not terminated any teachers since 2000.

DeSoto School District: Reports terminating one teacher since 2000.

East Carter County R-II: Reports terminating one teacher since 2000.

Potosi R-III: Reports that the district has not terminated any teachers since 2000.

Van Buren School District: The superintendent writes that “There were no teachers [since 2000] that were asked to leave, terminated, or were fired by the district.”

Legislators should remember that the purpose of public education is not to employ as many teachers as possible; it is to provide education to Missouri students. As we have pointed out on this blog, we must acknowledge the uncomfortable truth that not all teachers are above average. A consistent finding in academic studies is that teacher quality matters. In fact, a study by Eric Hanushek of Stanford University found that students can learn three times as much from a good teacher than they do from a bad one.

Restricting school districts’ ability to fire bad teachers ensures that some Missouri students are receiving a poor education. As shown in the school districts from the area Engler represents, some districts rarely terminate teachers. Is this practice the best for Missouri students?

Does Missouri Need Another Tax Credit Program? Apparently It Does

The Missouri House of Representatives recently voted (137-12) to create a new tax credit aimed at encouraging investment in start-up businesses. My colleague, Bruce Stahl recently wrote about this tax credit. Consider this fact, Missouri ALREADY issues hundreds of millions of dollars in economic development tax credits every year. Yet, Missouri is still one of the worst performing states in the nation economically. Do legislators in Jefferson City really think that this tax credit is somehow different than all of the other economic development tax credits already implemented?

The Show-Me Institute has presented several ideas that would help Missouri jump-start its economy. Shouldn’t the state take a serious look at alternatives before adding another drain on the state’s revenue?

Contra the KC Star: Tax Increases are NOT the Answer

The Kansas City Star wrote an op-ed urging Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon (D) to expend some of his political capital in order to bring in more revenue to fund state programs. The Star states that lawmakers in Jefferson City should stop bickering about which programs to cut (they specifically mention the current fight about cutting funds from higher education or funding for a medical program for the blind) and focus on finding new sources of revenue. They specifically mention reigning in tax credits and raising the tax on cigarettes.

Why are tax hikes even on the table? Legislators have not even cut all waste and low-priority programs from the state budget, never mind bigger ticket items such as higher education and medical programs for the blind. Considering that the Missouri House passed an appropriations bill that includes funding for the Missouri Wine & Grape Board along with ethanol subsidies (and that is only for the Department of Agriculture), the state has plenty of places to cut.

The Star editorial is not all bad. It does call for reigning in tax credits, which the Show-Me Institute has pushed for repeatedly. However, it also calls on raising the cigarette tax. The Show-Me Institute has written on this issue and the situation is the same now as it was then; raising taxes on cigarettes is not the cure for what ails Missouri.

Missouri needs a healthy environment so its economy can thrive. That does not just mean low taxes; it also means lowering regulatory burdens. Doing so will ensure that the state receives enough revenue so that all PROPER functions of government have enough funding to work effectively.

Don’t Bank on It: When it Comes to Vacant Property, Learn from Saint Louis’ Failures

The idea of land banking is new in Philadelphia. It is also naive. The Philadelphia City Council’s proposed land banking ordinance incorporates the most harmful practices of the oldest land bank in the United States, the Saint Louis land bank.

More than 40 years ago, Saint Louis City set up a land bank in response to the exodus of its residents, and the vacant property they left behind. When the land bank was created, the hope was that it could return vacant property back to private, productive use.

Instead, the land bank has adopted policies which have compounded the vacancy crises. Most troubling is the land bank’s policy of giving area aldermen an inordinate amount of influence over whether someone can purchase property. Offers from residents are rejected simply because their local alderman does not express his approval of the sale.

Offers to buy vacant land bank property are often from neighborhood residents. The properties are generally in a state of disrepair, and the bidder is planning to repair the property in an attempt to make his or her neighborhood a better place to live. If the resident does not have the blessing of his local alderman, the offer is typically rejected.

Consider the case of 2925 Union, a rundown, 1-story brick building in Saint Louis that received offers from four different buyers. The Saint Louis land bank said no to all four offers. When the area alderman showed up at a land bank meeting and told the land bank to sell the property to another buyer, it did.

Tragically, this policy of deferring to area officials will be written into law if Philadelphia’s land bank ordinance is adopted. In its current form, Philadelphia’s ordinance forbids the land bank from entering into a transaction if the district council person expresses disapproval. This policy will almost certainly thwart development byresidents who do not have their councilman’s approval, even if the resident plans to put the property to productive use.

Our fear is not unfounded. This happens frequently in Saint Louis. The former deputy mayor for development told us that “the sort of working arrangement we have with the aldermen is that if they don’t want to do something, we don’t want to do it.”

In order to quickly get land back into private, productive use, a land bank should accept reasonable purchase offers, even if politicians oppose them.

Philadelphia should also heed Saint Louis’s failed attempts to hold property for future development. Show-Me Institute research revealed that between 2003 and 2010, the Saint Louis land bank rejected nearly half of all purchase offers. The most common reason for rejection was that the property was being held for future development. Unfortunately, the hoped-for future developments rarely materialize.

In Philadelphia, the land bank proposal establishes goals that may undermine efforts to return the land to productive use. The goals include otherwise laudable priorities, such as encouraging “affordable or mixed-income housing that is accessible or visitable” and “community facilities that provide needed services and enrichment opportunities; side- and rear-yards; urban agriculture; and community open space.” These goals may have the unintended consequence of providing a reason for the land bank to reject purchase offers that do not fit the land bank’s vision. Again, our fears are grounded in experience – this public policy failure has occurred repeatedly in Saint Louis.

To be clear, Saint Louis’s adverse policies are not written into law, and can be suspended at any time. Indeed, it appears that in response to the Show-Me Institute’s research the land bank bank’s rejection rate was cut nearly in half. But in Philadelphia, these poor policies will be written into law.

Bruce Stahl is a research assistant and Audrey Spalding is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute, which promotes market solutions for Missouri public policy.

Department of Economic Development Responsive Documents: Norwood Hills Country Club

 

We Need Historic Tax Cuts, Not Tax Credits

Saint Louis, the destination of more than $1 billion in state tax credits since 2000, may soon be home to a few more. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch reports that the city is about to conduct a search for all of its historic buildings. It is likely that the uncovered structures will become eligible for Historic Preservation tax credits.

This program sounds great for property developers, but what about everyone else? Shouldn’t Saint Louis concern itself with rejuvenating the entire city, not just a few old properties? Here is an idea: eliminate the earnings tax. It would be like a tax credit for everyone. It might even attract more businesses to the city, bringing economic growth.

For Show-Me Institute material on eliminating the earnings tax, click here and here.

Place Your Bets: Proposed Aerotropolis May Be Funded In Part With Casino Tax Revenues

We noted in February that we saw some legislative activity in the Missouri House intended to revive, at least in part, 2011’s moribund Aerotropolis legislation, which suffered long before dying in last year’s special session. Since then, there has been no obvious movement regarding the project — until this week.

Two different stories on Aerotropolis are now circulating. The first came out Tuesday and dealt with efforts in the state legislature to once again drive state tax credits to the project. It looks like House leaders may try to tuck Aerotropolis back into an economic development package that the chamber is preparing.

The second story was published this morning and is the more fascinating of the two. It reveals that Saint Louis County may apply $3 million in casino tax revenues to support the Aerotropolis project. If true, the funding source would certainly be apropos, given that Aerotropolis almost certainly is a gamble. Over the last year, Audrey Spalding and I (as well as Chrissy Harbin) have discussed at length the merits (or lack thereof) of Aerotropolis, a project that originally clocked in at a cool $480 million when it was first proposed. That figure is worth keeping in mind as proponents of the Aerotropolis plan pine for state money. Taxpayers have been told that Aerotropolis “needed” a half billion dollars to take flight; then $360 million; and then just $60 million. Maybe Aerotropolis should not receive any money from taxpayers?

This also may be a case of life imitating art, as this Show-Me Institute PSA (narrated by our own Rick Edlund) makes clear.

No doubt, a plethora of interest groups are still actively campaigning to resurrect Aerotropolis, but proponents have still failed to make the case that 1) the Aerotropolis plan will work, and 2) public money is required to resolve some market failure standing in the way of the project’s success. Last year, it looked like private parties just wanted to gamble with the public’s money. “A game changer at $480 million! A bargain at $360 million! Just $60 million will do the trick! How about $3 million?”

It sounds like we have a problem gambler on our hands. Maybe the best thing to do is to simply cut them off.

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