The Show-Me Institute on Television

In recent weeks, Show-Me Institute representatives have appeared on several public policy television shows in Missouri, most recently on KCPT’s April 9 episode of Ruckus in Kansas City.

Other recent television appearances include:

  • On March 19, CEO Brenda Talent appeared on Donnybrook in Saint Louis to discuss Missouri school district transfers, among other things.
  • On the same day in Kansas City, Institute Board Chairman Crosby Kemper III appeared on Ruckus. The explosive growth in Kansas City government spending was among the topics discussed.
  • Patrick Tuohey was on KCPT’s Kansas City Week in Review on March 13.

We are grateful to be part of the public policy debate in those cities and across Missouri in newspapers, blogs, and radio.

Report on Parking in Saint Louis Finds Employees Take Best Spots, Don’t Pay

Last year, Saint Louis City began a long-awaited overhaul of the city’s parking meters. After a pilot period where different forms of modern meters were tested in the Central West End, city officials chose new meters that take credit cards and electronic payment through Parkmobile.

Adding new payment options and modernizing parking fee collection is a step forward for the city. Even better, the city commissioned a study to find where demand was highest and where meters were making so little money they could be removed. However, in addition to identifying where and when parking meters should be replaced, the report also scrutinized the city’s existing parking policies. Specifically, the city is allowing government employees to improperly obtain free parking.

According to the report, the city allows any individual employed by the city or county, regardless of their position, to park for free at any metered spot. They only need to display an approved parking permit, and they can park long-term. While some jobs require the ability to quickly access a vehicle (such as police officers), most do not. When city employees take some of the most demanded spots in the city, they hurt local businesses, make it more difficult for residents to park, and reduce the city’s income.

To make matters worse, the city apparently has had no policy for issuing parking permits, nor does it even know how many permits exist. As the report puts it:

In St. Louis, the problem of employees parking in the most convenient on-street parking spaces and not paying is exacerbated by the fact that there is no comprehensive list of authorized and outstanding City issued permits, or a specific set of rules governing which departments are permitted parking permits and why they qualify. This makes it nearly impossible to determine which vehicles displaying permits are parked for legitimate City business and which are not.

The obvious solution is for the city to come up with guidelines that decide which positions require parking permits and only issue permits necessary for these employees. The city should also track who has permits and for what reason. These common-sense fixes will improve parking downtown, to the benefit of Saint Louisans and the city’s bottom line.

The Incredible Shrinking City

According to recently released U.S. Census data, the population of the city of Saint Louis has once again decreased. In 2014, Saint Louis’ population dropped to 317,419, a decline of 1,946 people since the 2010 Census. Although the drop is only 0.6 percent, the trend of a declining population continues for Saint Louis. In fact, ever since the 1950s, Saint Louis City’s population has been sinking.

In 1950 Saint Louis was the eighth largest city in the United States with a population of 856,796. According to the 2014 Census estimate, Saint Louis has two-thirds fewer people than in 1950.

St. Louis population table

Such a dramatic decrease in population has major effects on local government. As the population declines, taxable income and sales leave the area and revenue declines with it. Lower population levels exacerbate other issues such as abandoned buildings, lower property values, and, as a result, fewer funds for public schools.

Saint Louis is a city that has much to offer. So why are people continuing to leave? What should the city do to halt the deflating population?

Shedding Light on Anti-transparency Arguments

A bill is making its way through the Missouri Senate that would require public universities to disclose basic information about college courses. Ordinarily, a bill like this wouldn’t be necessary, but a recent court decision gave Missouri’s public universities cover for keeping syllabi and other course content closed from the Sunshine Law. The professors and administrators trying to keep course content from the Sunshine Law argue that transparency laws harm their intellectual property interests. This argument rings false for three simple reasons:

  1. The anti-transparency faction at the University of Missouri argues that professors own the content of their courses, while the University of Missouri’s own rules suggest otherwise. According to 100.030.A.2 of the Collected Rules, the university owns the copyright to “works that are commissioned for University use by the University” and “works that are created by employees if the production of the materials is a specific responsibility of the position for which the employee is hired.”
  2. Even if professors have an intellectual property interest in syllabi, nothing about making this information publicly available would prevent professors from enforcing a copyright claim. If a member of the public accesses a syllabus through the Sunshine Law and then plagiarizes the syllabus, the professor could still sue for a violation of copyright. Making information publicly accessible is not a bar to enforcing copyright.
  3. Fair use should protect disclosure of public records pursuant to state sunshine laws. Fair use doctrine allows for copyrighted work to be transformed or appropriated, within limits, for certain educational, scholarly, satirical, and noncommercial uses. In other words, fair use protects creators and commentators alike, facilitating discussions about ideas and, ultimately, building knowledge for society. For a publicly funded university system to reject this well-established framework suggests that it wants neither the comment nor the discussion the publication of these syllabus materials may generate. If that’s the system’s goal, it’s an appalling objective for an institution of higher learning, public or otherwise.

I doubt college administrators and university professors are ignorant of these facts. I suspect that the intellectual property argument is just an excuse for avoiding the transparency requirements that every other public entity is subject to. If you don’t want the potential scrutiny that comes with transparency, then perhaps you shouldn’t work for a public institution.

Spring into Action on School Board Reform

With apologies to T. S. Eliot, April is the coolest month. In Missouri, the fish are jumping, the dogwoods are blooming, and major league baseball fans are looking forward to another Opening Day.

April also means school board elections. It would be nice to think that this annual rite of spring would renew and refresh our public schools in the same way that nature restocks our streams and repaints our forest, but this isn’t the case. To proponents of school reform, April really is the cruelest month.

Rather than healthy change and renewal, school board elections will come and go with minimal disturbance to the education establishment in school districts across the state. The system, as it is now, invites apathy and increased union control, perpetuating long-standing problems.

For starters, voter turnout in school board elections is extremely low. In Greene County, for example, only 12 percent of eligible voters made it to the polls in 2013, despite multiple school districts holding elections.

Additionally, parents and taxpayers know very little about the candidates.

While a candidate’s occupation, age, and education may be available—information regarding a candidate’s stance on key education issues is harder to acquire.

With so few people paying attention and so little information disseminated, special interest groups—such as teachers’ unions—can have a disproportionate impact on these elections. While it’s unclear how large a role special interest groups have played in Missouri public school board elections, the danger is that unions are taking bites out of both sides of the apple—campaigning for candidates, then negotiating with union-friendly board members during closed sessions.

Historically, Missouri opted for a system aimed at keeping partisan politics out of school board elections, choosing a month to hold elections in which voters would not be burdened by having to make other electoral choices.

Fifty years ago, this way of thinking may have made some sense, but it makes no sense today. It is time for a complete overhaul of a badly antiquated system.

Here are three suggested reforms.

First, Missouri should move school board elections to coincide with other local, state, and national elections. Scheduling elections in November would assure far greater voter participation. In comparison to April, turnout in the 2012 general election in Greene County was 64 percent.

Second, Missouri should close the loophole in our Sunshine Law that allows school board members to negotiate with teachers’ unions in closed sessions. Taxpayers have a right to know what demands unions are making.

Third, public officials should push for the dissemination of more information during school board elections. Candidates should be encouraged to state their positions on important issues.

Missouri’s system of local public school control is precious, but to ensure that the interests of taxpayers and students are protected, it requires not just reform, but rebirth.

Brittany Wagner is a research assistant at the Show-Me Institute.

 

News of Driving’s Demise Has Been Greatly Exaggerated

There is an apparent schizophrenia in the information provided at transportation conferences and in regular news on Missouri’s infrastructure needs. At one moment, some will talk about how the state needs to invest more in transportation options, because people (especially young people) are abandoning their cars. But wait a moment and others will talk about critical needs to improve and expand the highway and road infrastructure around the state.

Contradictions are most often resolved by reexamining premises, and in this case that means looking to Missouri’s actual driving statistics. Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) data shows there is little evidence that Missourians are abandoning the roads. In fact, the latest annual estimate (from Feb. 2014 to Jan. 2015) shows that Missouri’s roads have more traffic than ever.

VMT_MO

As the chart above shows, total vehicle miles traveled (VMT) in the state remained remarkably resilient through the recession, dropping by only 3 percent from peak to trough. For comparison, Saint Louis Metro’s total passenger trips decreased 30 percent in the recession. Rebound was relatively rapid, and the overall trend is steady increase, at around the rate of population growth; per capita VMT in 2014 is almost identical to per capita VMT in 2005 (959 miles per month).

Trucking, which is more directly tied to economic activity and makes up a significant portion of Missouri’s total VMT, drives much of the strength in Missouri traffic. Even if we only look at Missouri’s urban arterial road traffic (where the proportion of personal vehicles to trucks is much higher), there is no evidence of a large downturn in driving.

UA_VMT_MO

Urban roads saw a steeper decline in traffic during the recession (around 5 percent peak to trough) than did all roads, but even they eclipsed prerecession traffic levels in January 2015. Per capita VMT on urban arterials were also higher than they were in 2005-06.

As things stand, Missouri’s roadways carry more than 90 percent of that state’s commuters and more than half of all the state’s freight movements by value. While increased investment in transit and changing living preferences may cut into overwhelming dominance in the future, there is no data that such a transformation is underway yet.

Chicago Fight Reveals Extent of Government Union Political Involvement

In neighboring Illinois, a government union representing Chicago transit workers is suing the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA) for refusing to let union members pass out fliers in support of one of the candidates in this week’s runoff mayoral election.

From the Chicago Sun Times:

The Amalgamated Transit Union Locals 241 and 308 filed the lawsuit Tuesday in federal court, arguing that the CTA violated workers’ freedom of speech by prohibiting the “Transit for Chuy” flier from break rooms.

But CTA spokesman Brian Steele said the ATU is the lone CTA union “seeking to violate long-standing state laws that prohibit political activities on government property and government time, at taxpayer expense.”

Setting aside Chicago politics, I see this fight as an illustration of the often-overlooked fact that government unions are uniquely political actors. Government unions are one of the most important special interests in contemporary politics. They have special access and privileges, and, as taxpayers, we pay for them. A union’s whole purpose—to influence employer decisions on behalf of its members—is political when the union represents government.

In Missouri, public agencies may meet with unions and set policies in closed sessions. Also in Missouri, government unions may hide their financial and political activities, while traditional unions have to disclose this information to the public.

The framework for American collective bargaining was created to protect industrial workers from progressive-era robber barons. Is it a good idea to allow government bureaucracy the same legal privileges? If we’re going to give government unions this kind of power, we should at least hold it in check with a modicum of transparency.

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