Ending Educational Redlining with Tim DeRoche

Susan Pendergrass speaks with Tim DeRoche from Available to All about the importance of open enrollment in public schools, particularly in Missouri, where strict residential assignment policies limit access to quality education. They discuss the issue of educational redlining, the impact of district boundaries, and the need for policy changes to ensure equitable access for all families. DeRoche highlights transportation challenges, funding models, and successful open enrollment policies in other states that Missouri could learn from.

Read Tim’s full report “Show-Me the Way Out: Overcoming Educational Redlining and Strict Residency Restrictions in Missouri’s Public Schools”.

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00:00 Introduction
03:11 The Case for Open Enrollment
06:02 Missouri’s Unique Challenges
09:07 The Impact of District Lines
12:13 Educational Redlining and Its Consequences
15:03 Resistance to Change in Missouri
17:58 Comparative Analysis with Other States
20:51 Transportation and Accessibility Issues
24:03 Funding Models and Their Implications
27:08 The Future of Education in Missouri

Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

Concerns about Kansas City Animal Control Operations

There is a lot of controversy regarding animal control operations in Kansas City. Animal control in Kansas City has gone back and forth between public and private operations, and it could be changing again soon.

Animal control services are one of the prime municipal services ripe for privatization, either with for-profit veterinarians or (more commonly) non-profit animal welfare groups. For example, many of the cities on the Kansas side of the state line have contracted with Great Plains SPCA for shelter operations.

Kansas City has gone through a series of privatization efforts for both its animal shelter and animal control operations, as have many other cities and counties. Kansas City first outsourced its animal shelter to a private vet in 2009. The private operator saved taxpayers $175,000 and improved adoption rates at the same time. However, complaints regarding alleged animal abuse caused the city to terminate the contract in 2011 and briefly go back to city operation. Next, Kansas City turned over its animal shelter to KC Pet Project in 2012, and that privatization effort led to tax savings of $40,000 and a significant reduction in euthanasia for the animals. Later, in 2019, when Kansas City contracted with the same non-profit for animal control operations (e.g., capturing stray animals), city employees opposed it on familiar grounds:

City workers and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Local 500 worry about the loss of jobs and pensions if the city of Kansas City, Missouri, follows through with its plan to privatize the Animal Control Division.

Recently the operations of the shelter have been questioned due to a dispute between the non-profits that operate it. It seems the city will be retaking control of the shelter. Animal control operations are also apparently coming back under city control. Admittedly, one can see how capturing potentially dangerous animals is more of a police-like assignment than running adoptions from a shelter. I am not sure most volunteers are going to be enthusiastic about dealing with a wild, rabid pit bull.

Complaints about animal abuse, poor conditions, and more in animal shelters are common. As I said in a previous blog post, jails are hard places to operate, whether they are for people or animals. I suspect there is a core group of animal rights “volunteers” that are going to file complaints about any shelter that isn’t entirely a “no-kill” shelter. It doesn’t seem to matter if the shelter is operated by the government or by a non-profit.

The other part of this debate is that government employees are never going to stop fighting to bring back jobs and assignments that were contracted out. We have seen efforts to retake government control with Kansas City trash operations and University City ambulance services, to give just two examples. I don’t automatically believe the “complaints” filed against private providers in these situations. As a resident of University City, I can assure you that bringing the ambulance operations back under city (and fireman’s union) control was an orchestrated political plan.

Is this the case with the animal shelter and control operations in Kansas City? I don’t know. For the sake of the animals, I hope it works out for the best.

The Crime of Address Sharing: Why Open Enrollment Matters in Missouri

Missouri has both criminal and civil penalties for parents who use an address outside their residence to enroll their children in a different school district. This means parents could face fines and even criminal charges just for trying to give their child a better education. But there’s a solution: strong open enrollment policies. By allowing students to attend any public school with available space—regardless of their home address—Missouri can eliminate the need for families to risk legal trouble and empower parents with choice.

Learn more about strong open enrollment policies here.

Everyone Hates Property Taxes, Which Is Why We Should Depend on Them More

A version of the following commentary appeared in the Springfield Business Journal.

When the Emperor was trying to convince Anakin Skywalker to come over to his side in a regional political dispute, he famously told him, “I can feel your anger. It gives you focus. Makes you stronger.” Right now, we could use some of that well-focused anger when deciding on local tax increases in Missouri.

I get it. People hate property taxes. That’s not just conventional political wisdom—there are actually data to back that up. In one poll, 69% of respondents said their local property tax was too high, and 59% said it was unfair. In another poll taken regularly through the years comparing Americans’ views on taxes, the property tax was historically the least-popular tax. However, in the most recent poll (2023), the federal income tax (34%) edged out the local property tax (29%) as the “worst tax.” If you are almost as unpopular as the most hated tax, you are very unpopular. But the property tax does not deserve such contempt.

Other than a small cadre of hard-core political leftists, nobody really “likes” taxes, thankfully. People should be ambivalent about parting with their own money. They should want to get value for their tax dollars and expect that they be spent effectively. Most of all, they should be hesitant to pay higher taxes just because politicians want them to.

Not surprisingly, people like to tax other people more than they like to tax themselves. Because of our Hancock Amendment, residents get to vote on almost all tax increases in Missouri. I have closely followed hundreds of local tax increase campaigns around the state, and every campaign for a new sales tax, new hotel tax, or earnings tax renewal follows the same playbook. “With this tax increase, we can make sure those shoppers/tourists/commuters (pick one)  pay their fair share.” Convincing voters that other people are going to help fund their new service is a great way to get voters to fund what the government wants and not what the people need. Voters are more discerning on property tax increases because they know they are going to pay for it, and that’s a good thing.

Municipalities in Missouri depend less on property tax revenues than cities in any other state. That fact would probably surprise many readers. Cities depend heavily on various sales taxes, and our two largest cities depend primarily on local income taxes that also apply to nonresidents. The local governments that depend entirely on property taxes do so because they have no other choice under state law. Trust me, if they had a choice, every school district in the state would be operating a new casino with its own special sales tax right next to the high school.

All taxes impact economic growth. Poorly constructed tax systems that waste money on ineffective projects or corruption are bad for growth. Well-constructed systems that efficiently fund important public needs are good for growth. The trick is to get more of the latter and less of the former. The property tax goes to the local services that people see and use every day. When those services are well run, the tax is capitalized into higher home values, which everyone wants except at tax time. When those local services are poorly run, it hurts the value of your home, which everyone hates (also except at tax time). While any tax can be harmful if set too high, economic research indicates that local property taxes at reasonable levels harm economic growth less than other taxes, particularly destructive local income taxes.

If a local city or school district isn’t providing the services you want for the taxes you are expected to pay, it isn’t that hard to move to a different community. Families move for better school districts all the time. Older people regularly downsize to smaller homes with the resulting lower taxes and, often, within lower-performing school districts (e.g., The Gatesworth in University City). Variances in services and quality in a property tax system give people options to choose what is best for them and their families at different points in their lives. (The senior citizen property tax freezes expanding around the state remove that pressure in a contrived way that hurts communities just as much as it may help individual seniors.)

None of this is to say that the property tax system in Missouri doesn’t need reform. It’s a two-part system: assessments and taxes, and the assessment part definitely needs improvement. Electing the assessors in Jackson County and the City of St. Louis is a good place to start. Agricultural property taxes are all out of whack. The taxes on farmland are too low, while the taxes on grain, livestock, and farm equipment are absurdly inefficient. Local governments probably spend more money calculating the livestock taxes than they receive by collecting them. Business property taxes need reforms to protect commercial property from the same flaws of sales, hotel, and earnings taxes: voters targeting businesses to fund services that primarily benefit residents.

Why do people have a particular disdain for property taxes? Perhaps it’s because it’s the only tax many people pay all at once, so it seems to hurt more. Perhaps people buy into the silly argument that you never really own property if you pay a tax on it. Whatever it is, the fact that people dislike the property tax means voters are more careful about approving property tax hikes than other types of tax increases. As a result, governments need to make stronger arguments and show results to justify property taxes in the first place. The “focused anger” of voters, to paraphrase the Emperor again, is precisely why cities and counties in Missouri should depend more on property taxes, not less.

Hopefully, though, we will stop short of going fully over to the dark side. I can’t even imagine how high the taxes on a fully operational Death Star would be.

St. Louis County is Right to Be Concerned about Volunteers at the Animal Shelter

There are major changes coming to the St. Louis County animal control operation. The Animal Protective Association (APA) of Missouri has been operating the county government’s shelter since 2022. The organization has decided to terminate its contract and return operations to the county so that it can focus on other aspects of its mission. St. Louis County has wavered on whether or not it will allow volunteers to work at the shelter once it retakes control of operations. As strange as it may seem, the county’s concerns are legitimate. If there is one thing as certain as death and taxes at an animal shelter, it is complaints.

Animal control services are one of the prime municipal services ripe for privatization. The animal shelter in Chillicothe has long been successfully operated by the county Humane Society. There are numerous other examples in Missouri, but suffice it to say not every example has been a success.

Complaints about animal abuse in animal shelters are common. The St. Louis County animal shelter was subjected to a series of complaints and lawsuits from its own volunteers in 2018 and 2019.  Eventually, in late 2022, the animal shelter operations were privatized, with the APA running the shelter. Stray Rescue, a non-profit animal welfare agency that previously managed the City of St. Louis’s shelter, was the subject of multiple lawsuits around the same time from volunteers over a variety of issues, including a claim that it was violating its “no-kill” pledge. Stray Rescue soon after (in 2019) lost its contract to operate the city’s animal shelter to another non-profit, Care STL.

Jails are hard places to operate, whether they are for people or animals. The author suspects there is a core group of animal rights “volunteers” who are going to file complaints about any shelter that isn’t entirely a “no-kill” shelter. It doesn’t seem to matter if the shelter is operated by the government or by a non-profit. I don’t claim to have proof, but it is a consistent pattern going back to when Kansas City first privatized its shelter in 2009.

With that in mind, accepting volunteers at a shelter, particularly one that still euthanizes animals, should not be a haphazard process where just anyone can come help. Dedicated volunteers are an important part of any shelter operations, but euthanizing strays may still be a necessity at times. If St. Louis County wants to be more careful in choosing volunteers than most organizations usually are, I think that is understandable.

As is often the case, transparency is key. If you are going to be a “kill” shelter, as I believe is unfortunately necessary at times, just admit it and be clear about the criteria used to make such determinations. Don’t say you won’t and have someone draw up a plan to do it quietly.

As of February 21, St. Louis County is just starting to accept applications for volunteers. I wish them luck. Animal-loving volunteers are wonderful. Animal-rights activists posing as volunteers are quite another thing.

Open Enrollment: Empowering Missouri Families

Missouri’s outdated school assignment rules make it very difficult for families to choose the best public school for their children. The Hirshey family’s story is just one example.

When Dawson was seven years old, he suffered a life-changing injury at a baseball game. His recovery required brain surgery and extensive care. Now, as he and his twin sister Delaney grow older, they want to attend a larger school with more opportunities and resources to support Dawson’s ongoing needs. But Missouri’s rigid school boundary laws make that choice nearly impossible—unless their family moves or breaks the law.

Missouri should adopt strong universal open enrollment polices. Open enrollment policies allow families to choose their public school either within their home school district (intradistrict choice) or in a different district (interdistrict choice). By allowing students to attend any public school with available space, Missouri can empower parents with choice and ensure that no family is punished for simply wanting the best for their child.

Learn more about strong open enrollment policies here.

Debunking Open Enrollment Myths

Susan Pendergrass, James Shuls, and Avery Frank debunk common myths about K-12 open enrollment policies, addressing concerns about their impact on rural schools, overcrowding, and financial stability.

Timestamps:
00:00 Understanding Open Enrollment in Missouri
09:51 Common Myths About Open Enrollment
19:59 The Impact of Open Enrollment on Academic Performance
30:07 Legislative Landscape and Future of Open Enrollment

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Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

MOGE, Open Enrollment, Banning Phones, and COVID-era Water Bills

David Stokes, Elias Tsapelas, and Avery Frank join Zach Lawhorn to discuss: the Missouri Office of Government Efficiency (MOGE) and its impact on state governance, legislative approaches in the House and Senate, the role of outside experts in identifying inefficiencies, and the importance of accountability through timelines. They also cover educational policies like open enrollment, challenges with smartphone use in schools, COVID-era municipal water policies, source of income laws, and the ongoing debate over eliminating the state income tax.

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Timestamps

00:00 Introduction to MOGE and Government Efficiency
02:16 Legislative Approaches to Government Efficiency
04:50 The Role of Outside Experts in Government Review
08:25 Timelines and Accountability in Government Initiatives
10:49 Historical Context of Government Efficiency Initiatives
11:39 Understanding Open Enrollment in Education
17:18 Challenges and Myths of Open Enrollment
19:55 Legislative Movements on Smartphone Policies in Schools
24:08 Water Shutoff Policies and Municipal Challenges
29:56 Source of Income Laws and Recent Legal Developments
33:15 The Debate on Eliminating State Income Tax
37:09 Exploring Property Tax as a Revenue Source

Download a Transcript of this Episode Here

Produced by Show-Me Opportunity

Some Good News for Kansas City and St. Louis

For years, many who sought to excel in a creative or professional field headed to the coasts. Cities like New York, San Francisco and Washington, D.C., were seen as the epicenters of opportunity, while Midwestern metropolitan areas like Kansas City and St. Louis struggled to retain their talent.

This may no longer be true. A new report from Heartland Forward, Heartland of Talent, highlights these cities as destinations for the creative class—individuals in knowledge, technology and artistic sectors. The findings are compelling:

  • Kansas City boasts a 45.4% concentration of creative-class jobs, ranking 19th among large metropolitan areas. Notably, it stands 7th in growth, with an increase of nearly five percentage points between 2019 and 2023.
  • St. Louis follows closely, with a 44.8% concentration, placing it 20th in the rankings.

Educational attainment further underscores this trend:

  • Kansas City has seen its share of college graduates rise to 40.8%, a 3.1 percentage point increase since 2019, surpassing the national average.
  • St. Louis experienced a 3.4 percentage point uptick, bringing its college graduate population to 39.1%.

I’ve been critical of proposals for attracting the “creative class” for years, especially when it requires certain types of economic development subsidies. While this report does refer to the value of amenities, something report author Richard Florida has done for years, it does so after crediting simple housing affordability.

It’s also important to note that references to Kansas City in this report encompass both the Missouri and Kansas portions of the metropolitan area. This distinction is crucial, as the economic vitality varies between the two. According to a 2020 report by the Show-Me Institute, the Kansas side of the Kansas City metropolitan area outperforms the Missouri side in several key metrics featured in the Heartland study, including population growth, job creation, GDP, income levels, and educational attainment. If evaluated independently, the Missouri portion would likely rank lower nationally across these indicators.

Certainly, there is much to recommend Missouri’s two largest metro areas over places such as Washington, D.C. Affordability and the resultant higher quality of life are what brought me to Kansas City 20 years ago. Being a more attractive place to live and work, however, should not lull us into a false sense of security. It does not change the fact that Missouri is not performing well comparted to other states—there is much work ahead.

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