Children Being Left Behind

In today’s St. Louis Post-Dispatch, an article discusses the
difficulties of the McCoys, a family that wants to transfer its two daughters from the
Riverview Gardens School District to an accredited one. The problem is that no school district will take their children:

Their district, Riverview Gardens, has been in academic and financial
shambles. The former superintendent faces felony charges for stealing
and tax evasion. In June, the McCoys thought they had found a way out when the state
declared Riverview Gardens unaccredited. But they soon found doors
closing instead of opening.

According to state law, accredited school districts do not have to take students from unaccredited districts. Because of this, many families that cannot afford to send their children to private schools have very few options, which is the case for the McCoys. The state, rather than trying to give students who want to learn an opportunity to go to good schools, is keeping bright children rooted in failing circumstances, giving them no options. School vouchers, if we had them, would allow the McCoys to send their daughters to schools that might actually give them a good education.

Missourians Should Be Allowed to Use Midwives

Ever since HB 818, the groundbreaking consumer-based health insurance reform bill, passed both houses of the Legislature by wide bipartisan margins in May, news reports have focused on a small provision legalizing midwifery in Missouri. This is understandable — it was inserted at the last minute using a word, “tocology,” that most legislators wouldn’t understand or research before voting. The provision spurred dissent from several quarters — legislators complaining that they’d been duped, constituents complaining that legislators didn’t bother to understand the legislation they voted for, and doctors complaining that the midwife provision would reduce the safety of childbirth in Missouri. Although a circuit court judge recently struck down the provision, after the Missouri State Medical Association challenged its legality under the state constitution’s single-subject requirement, advocates for midwifery say they plan to appeal.

It’s easy to understand why the midwife provision overshadowed the rest of the insurance bill; it’s a juicy story of political controversy and legislative dysfunction. But what about the actual effects of the provision? Would legalizing the practice of midwifery without the presence of a doctor reduce the quality of childbirth? The evidence suggests otherwise.

In 1998, the National Center for Health Statistics and the Centers for Disease Control released a study finding that “the risk of experiencing an infant death was 19 percent lower for births attended by certified nurse midwives than for births attended by physicians. The risk of neonatal mortality (an infant death occurring in the first 28 days of life) was 33 percent lower, and the risk of delivering a low birthweight infant was 31 percent lower.”

One contributing factor to these statistics may be that midwives generally will not accept high-risk patients — sending them to normal doctors instead. Pregnant women who are extremely overweight or diabetic, drug users, those who have a history of hemorrhaging, or who have previously had a cesarean section, are all likely to be rejected by a midwife. This means that childbirth statistics for doctors might be less favorable simply because they’re treating a higher proportion of risky patients — but it also means that midwives tend to avoid foreseeable complications, which makes their services much safer than detractors might have you believe.

Midwifery advocates often point out that childbirth, in and of itself, is not a medical event — although it can become one. As skydivers and mountain climbers know, adults can legally engage in any number of risky activities without the presence of a doctor. Although these activities can escalate into medical emergencies, most do not. The midwife provision in HB 818 would have ensured that midwives who are legally allowed to practice will be those with the training to mitigate risk, and who can recognize when medical intervention is necessary.

Expectant mothers are capable of weighing their childbirth options without the aid of state law, and each one of those options carries its own risks. Giving birth in a hospital exposes both mother and child to infectious diseases that they wouldn’t encounter at home — and hospitals generally do not disclose their infection rates. In 2002, the Chicago Tribune reported that “Deaths linked to hospital germs represent the fourth leading cause of mortality among Americans, behind heart disease, cancer and strokes, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. These infections kill more people each year than car accidents, fires and drowning combined.” Access to medical technology during childbirth may be worth the risk of infection, but that’s a judgment call best left to expectant parents.

One fact that’s often overlooked in the debate about the safety of midwifery is that it’s already legal for just about anybody to deliver a baby in Missouri. You can have your neighbor or your mail carrier or your pizza guy deliver your baby without legal repercussion. It’s only when you seek out someone with relevant experience and pay her to perform a delivery that it becomes against the law. Any system that penalizes training and competency just because money is involved needs to be altered.

Hopefully, this provision will be resurrected — either on appeal, or through a less controversial legislative action. It’s important that consumers be allowed autonomy not only in choosing insurance policies, but also in choosing what type of care they want to receive.

Eric D. Dixon is the editor for the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank.

 

Tax Incentives, Bridges, and Jeff City in August

Governor Blunt has just set a date for a special session of the state legislature. It starts on August 20 and will deal with the economic development package that the governor rightfully vetoed, and the issue of bonding requirements for very long-term transportation projects. The economic development part would have gotten all the press if not for the recent tragedy in Minneapolis.

The issue with the performance bonds is fairly straightforward. MoDOT wants contractors to bid on repairing a group of 800 bridges, and then maintaining them for 25 years. As the bid process moved forward, it became apparent that the bonding requirements for the contractors, as currently set by law, would be too enormous in a 25-year project for any contractor to be able to afford it. So the Legislature and Governor Blunt need to make a few changes to reduce the performance bonds for long-term projects such as the Safe-and-Sound Bridge Improvement Plan. This is a great plan for Missouri, and I commend the Governor and Legislature for addressing it seriously.

The Snow Cones of Summer

Sauce magazine is a great part of our area’s literary and journalism scene. In this month’s issue, it has a wonderful article on the popularity of snow cones in St. Louis. The article does a perfect job of bringing out how the people who run snow cone stands are entrepreneurs in the purest form. The key to success in this business is in some pretty basic timing. You don’t see snow cone stands open in the winter. In fact, one of the stands I sometimes visit on S. Laclede Station Road turns into a Christmas tree lot each winter. Owners expand hours when its hot out (they are possibly the only people who like heat waves), and close early when it’s cold or raining. Other than that, it’s location, location, location.

When I was in high school and college, on several occasions I spent the summer working at Rio Syrup Co. This is one of the nation’s largest sno-cone syrup manufacturers, based right here in mid-town, by AG Edwards Wachovia. My great friend Bill Tomber is quoted extensively in the Sauce article. As someone who has lifted thousands of cases of cherry syrup onto trucks in my life, I can vouch for his statement on the popularity of that flavor:

What’s behind St. Louisans’ appetite for cherry snow cones? “It’s kind of a default flavor. It’s red, it’s bright ? it’s a good-tasting flavor, but you sort of know what you’re getting,” said Tomber.

So whether your are at Tower Tee, at a Cardinals game, in Old Webster, or anywhere else with one of the hundreds of snow cone stands in our area, enjoy a snow cone this summer and think about all the creative entrepreneurship that goes into every slurp!

911 24/7

Last one on 911 services for awhile, I promise. But the fine gentlemen at Missouri Political News Service, well aware of my recent obsession with the issue, alerted me to this story in the Kirksville Daily Express.  It seems that the local officials who run the area’s 911 service have taken a proposed tax increase off of the ballot precisely because they hope a tax is passed statewide and they can get their money that way, without taxing their own community! Just because you are paranoid does not mean someone isn’t out to get you. … From the article: 

That could turn voters off to the idea of another tax, but if the cell phone fee passes it could mean additional revenue for local 911 services, and could offset some of the difference needed to fund the E-911 service.

Now, I should clarify a few things here to give the full story. First of all, it is clear from the article that Adair County has current 911 service, which its citizens pay for, unlike some other rural counties that don’t have it at all and would now get it on everyone else’s cell bill dime. Second, they appear to have a countywide system, shared with the towns within the county, so if that’s correct, they deserve credit for it. But it does not appear from the article that the new money is needed for cell phone tracking, which is what I argued was a fair use of shared, statewide tax dollars. If their local system needs upgrades, the first option should be further consolidation with other counties, not hoping to get more money from the rest of the state.

More on the Midwives – I Mean, the Tocologists

Missouri midwives are preparing to appeal after Circuit Judge Patricia Joyce ruled the midwife provision unconstitutional:

The Senate tucked the midwifery provision into the health insurance bill in May. Few legislators knew the bill contained the amendment because of the way it was characterized. The sponsor, Sen. John Loudon, R-Chesterfield, used an obscure Greek term, “tocology,” to refer to midwifery. […]

“The midwife provision does not relate to health insurance,” Joyce wrote in her 19-page ruling.

She said that because legislators didn’t amend the bill’s title, “legislators were not on notice that a new subject, the practice of unregulated midwifery, had been added” to the bill.

I would be sad about this because I’m in favor of allowing midwifery. But I’m the kind of person who looks for silver linings in clouds, at least in legal battles. This must be great advertising for the midwives. And now everyone paying any attention to the news in Missouri knows the meaning of the word “tocology.” However effective that trick was this legislative session, no legislator will be able to claim ignorance of the word in the future!

What Should We Do About Uninsured Kids?

A letter in the Springfield News-Leader complains about the number of uninsured children in Missouri:

The SCHIP program provided health coverage for 6 million kids in 2006. Under the new bill, an additional 5 million children will be eligible for coverage, for a total of 11 million kids. 121,000 children in Missouri lack health insurance today, ironically in part because Rep. Blunt’s son, Gov. Matt Blunt, has stuck to family tradition and cut 1,903 in Greene County from Medicaid since 2005. A disturbing trend, which begs the question: What does the Blunt family have against children?

It’s a mistake to focus on insurance when what really matters is how many children receive medical care. Some parents who could afford insurance choose to pay for their children’s health care out-of-pocket instead. And for those who can’t afford insurance, there are ways to provide medical services directly, such as public clinics or vouchers for preventative care.

Worrying about providing health insurance for all kids is like worrying about providing car insurance for all kids. Some parents can afford cars and car insurance, and they drive their kids to school. Other kids take the bus.

We want all kids to have health care, but not everyone needs to go through insurance. And we certainly don’t need everyone to go through one government insurance program.

The Riverfront Times Adds to the 911 Discussion …

The Riverfront Times chimes into the 911 discussion with an interesting article on technical glitches and financial disputes that have possibly hampered 911 service in St. Louis County. I say “possibly” because the county maintains there has been no problem. This article discusses everything from technical issues to patent disputes to monetary fights — enough to make you long for a return to the days of hunting, gathering, worshipping the sun, and getting eaten by wild animals. Key statement (emphasis added):

McCormack has saved two months’ worth of calls to St. Louis County’s main dispatch center, which serves forty of the county’s municipalities, including larger areas such as Chesterfield and Eureka.

Another good example, along with the ones we discussed the other day, of shared municipal services. I found a crazy cool website dedicated to radio frequencies and 911 dispatch information. It shows that a number of county municipalities share 911 dispatch services with other cities, but we still have way too many separate systems in St. Louis County. For the record, Olivette has joined the East Central Dispatch system in Richmond Heights that I discussed the other day, so kudos to them. Most of the larger cities have their own dispatch systems (Florissant, University City), which is fine — they are big enough to afford it.

There are some typical examples of too much redundancy in the county, though. It’s nice that Glendale and Warson Woods share the dispatch system, but if Kirkwood does dispatching for Oakland, it can certainly do it for Glendale and Warson Woods, too. Same with Brentwood and Rock Hill. Why not just save money for everyone and join the East Central Dispatch system? Ladue, Frontenac, and Huntleigh?  How about some more coooperation here?

For the record, in my recent posts on St. Ann I wondered whether they were doing all they could to share services, as opposed to raising taxes. It seems that, in 911 dispatch at least, they are indeed sharing the service with a couple of other mid-sized munis, so they deserve credit for that.

As I wrote earlier, any new tax imposed to improve 911 service should mandate some consolidation of dispatch centers before the additional money is distributed. Then I will gladly vote for the cell phone tax.

Adequacy Lawsuits Reinforce Poor Educational Policy

As part of a growing trend seen across the United States, several school districts in Missouri continue to perform poorly, failing to prepare students for higher education. Following the Saint Louis Public Schools’ recent loss of accreditation, Missourians want to see change and improvement more than ever. Concern for Missouri’s public school system, however, is not a new development. The past 50 years have seen the rise of several theories on how to promote educational quality — among them, a competitive parental choice environment, which fosters incentives for educators to improve school quality. Unfortunately, the recent adequacy lawsuit trend mistakenly focuses on money, rather than encouraging changes that are needed to improve Missouri schools. To help the public schools succeed, Missouri should focus on incentive-based reforms like parental choice, rather than adequacy litigation.

Adequacy lawsuits have quickly gained popularity among school administrators and educators. The suits claim that current state funding cannot provide an “adequate” education for students, and prescribe a solution: give school districts more money. Although a current adequacy case in Missouri is still pending, several cases in other states — and an older equity case in Missouri — have favored the plaintiffs, granting more money to school districts. This type of substantial increase in financial resources is understandably appealing to many education supporters, but does not lead to the type of restructuring needed to truly change the education system. The amount of funding is not nearly as critical as the way that funding is spent. Until reforms are enacted that change the latter, current conditions will persist.

A statistically significant relationship between expenditure and student performance has yet to be consistently demonstrated. This should not be surprising; when schools receive additional funding despite disappointing educational outcomes and little promise of positive future developments, school officials lack the incentive to develop programs that will improve student performance. When schools are rewarded in spite of failure, they will only continue to misallocate resources to programs that are not in their students’ best interests.

Adequacy litigation not only fails to improve student performance but also costs the state and its taxpayers. A study released in July 2007 by the Tax Foundation discusses the fiscal impact of school finance litigation in the U.S. According to the study, nine out of 27 states ordered to increase educational funding did so by increasing taxes by $13 billion annually. Missouri is among these nine states. The study also points out that “even a hefty, short-term increase in education spending to comply with a court order does not always translate into permanently higher levels of spending.”

Rather than tolerating an approach that rewards poor performance, officials need to push for reforms that increase parental involvement, teacher quality, and students’ motivation to learn. An education system that allows parents to choose the schools their children attend will lead not only to a higher level of parental involvement, but also to better schools. As several school choice studies discuss, increased competition encourages all schools to provide higher educational quality in their efforts to attract students. When faced with competition from other schools, educators will allocate funds to programs with the most successful outcomes, because failure to do this will give parents an incentive to send their children to better-performing schools. Schools with a poor performance record will lose funding. This type of market-based reform motivates officials to improve educational standards while efficiently using resources.

While school choice reforms would take more time and effort than a simple increase in funding, they are necessary to turn underperforming schools into an educational system that will successfully prepare Missouri students for higher education and a competitive labor market.

Kathleen Navin is an intern with the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri think tank, and a graduate student in economics at the University of Missouri-Columbia.

 

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