Big School Vote in Kansas City! Will It Come to St. Louis Next?

Voters in the section of the Kansas City school district that lies in the suburbs of Independence and Sugar Creek approved a boundary change, switching their schools to the suburban school districts and out of Kansas City. The Kansas City Star has the round-up here. The fact that voters in both the old and new districts approved the switch likely means it will move forward smoothly, but a recent change to state law requiring approval from only voters within the area intending to move, rather than the voters from both the old and new districts, made the change easier.

The new law applied only to unaccredited or provisionally accredited school districts, and I wonder whether it applies to St. Louis as well. I think this is the relevant statute. It states that it applies only to cities with more than 350,000 people — which would, at least for now, exclude St. Louis. But it adds, "and in any other school district if the local board of education does not anticipate a return to accredited status …"

So my question is, what is preventing parents in the St. Louis School District from seceding and incorporating into neighboring suburban districts? Especially if, as I understand it, only the people in the area moving need to approve the vote? Somebody who knows more about this than I do should feel free to correct me if I’m wrong, at [email protected].

Why You Should Vote, and Not Listen to Economists on the Subject

If you wanted a good counter argument for this, then scroll down to the very bottom of the article here. Or, better yet, through the miracle of copy and paste, I present the results from the Kansas City Star:

· The Inter City Fire Protection District chose Linda Kidd for director over Jack Wise, by a vote of 36-35.

How would you like to be Jack Wise’s one drinking buddy who forgot to show up at the polls?

Start Choice Early

I went to preschool for one year, when I was four. Religion is one of those topics that’s off-limits on Show-Me Daily, so I can’t tell you much about my experience other than to say that I spent a lot of the time sitting on a carpet sample in a circle on the floor. I certainly didn’t study any subjects that No Child Left Behind tests you on.

This burst of nostalgia was inspired by an article about universal preschool in the New York Times. (Expanding preschool education is one of those education reforms that policymakers hope will get rid of that pesky test score gap between black and white students.) The author observes:

Nobody wants a two-tiered system, which isn’t likely to narrow the achievement gap, or a rigid one-size-fits-all system, either.

Those are valid concerns. We’re all familiar with the problems caused by a one-size-fits-all approach to K-12 education, and with the injustices inherent in sending city kids to failing city schools while kids in the suburbs get a better deal.

Preschool education will work only if it isn’t based on that flawed model. There are public preschools in the city of St. Louis, as well as a handful of parents-as-teachers programs, but they haven’t lifted test scores or stemmed the tide of dropouts. That’s not surprising; if a school can’t make progress with five-, six-, or seven-year-olds, it doesn’t make sense to send younger kids there too.

As you might expect, I have a parental-choice solution to that problem:

While there is a strong case for public support for funding interventions in the early childhood of disadvantaged children, there is no reason for the interventions to be conducted in public centers. Vouchers that can be used in privately run programs would promote competition and efficiency in the provision of early enrichment programs. They would allow parents to choose the venues and values offered in the programs that enrich their child’s earliest years.

That quote is from James Heckman, a Nobel laureate in economics and a strong supporter of early childhood education. Maybe we can convince him to be an SMI scholar.

Public Schools Improve!

In an interesting counterpoint to the report I discussed yesterday, the Economic Policy Institute has recently released a study entitled Vouchers and Public School Performance, which assesses the impact of Milwaukee’s Parental Choice Program on the public schools there.

The most fascinating thing about this report is that it explicitly acknowledges the choice program’s positive impact on public schools: "[T]he observed improvement in public school test scores associated with the implementation of a greatly expanded voucher plan in 1998 was probably a response to the threat of increased competition." According to the researchers, the problem is that — by their measurements — the improvement in the public schools appears to have been a one-time phenomenon, because the improvement plateaued once the scholarship program’s expansion was completed. Sure, the program seems to have created improvements, they argue, but it’s not clear that competition is generating the steady upward trend in public school performance that choice advocates anticipated.

The authors conclude, "If choice can, at best, produce a one-time improvement, particularly an improvement due to schools taking standardized tests more seriously, this is an effect that can probably be produced by other (possibly lower cost) policies and incentives."

The first important point to make is that, although the authors do not concede the success of choice for those students using the program to attend private schools (they claim those impacts are too difficult to assess absent a state-mandated evaluation), they plainly acknowledge that, far from crippling the Milwaukee Public Schools in the way choice opponents had threatened, the choice program resulted in unambiguous improvement in the public schools’ performance. The scholars are merely struggling to explain how public schools might be able to accomplish similar results without school choice. The point they want people to ignore? However you want to explain it, school choice in Milwaukee has improved the public schools!

The second important point is that there are now more than 17,200 low-income students enjoying educational choices that they would previously have been denied. Before the choice program was implemented, only wealthy parents got to choose where their children would go to school. Now those options are available even to those who need them the most. School choice in Milwaukee has given thousands of families educational freedom!

The third important point is that the authors try to put the burden of explanation back on choice advocates. I love this one. The authors say, "for the choice argument to be convincing, advocates need to show more consistent and sustained improvements in student learning and should be able to explain at the operational level how choice induces schools to improve student performance." Are you kidding? They acknowledge the improvements, acknowledge that the choice program is the source of those improvements, but then effectively say that unless we can explain to their satisfaction why school choice worked, they’ll continue to try and take educational choice away from those poor families." Choice opponents are willing to abandon a program that has improved the public schools simply because they don’t understand why it works!

The final important point I’ll address is that for all of the billions of dollars spent by public school systems nationwide in desperate efforts to improve their schools without disturbing the status quo, it was a low-cost choice program in Milwaukee (the city spends $12,000 per public school student, but only $6,500 per choice student) that has shown the most promise for improving public schools. Opponents of choice may argue that the upward trend in public school achievement was temporary, but the gains are significant and have been sustained. Choice opponents are happy to demand billions of dollars for the status quo, but vehemently oppose demonstrably successful reforms that could actually result in less educational spending!

Anything But Choice

When opponents of parental choice say that it won’t work, I’m always eager to hear what alternative reforms they have in mind. Sometimes they suggest paying students for good grades or test scores. The rewards could just be cash, but policymakers have thought up more creative ideas. For example, this article in the New York Times outlines Roland Fryer’s plan to reward New York students’ academic achievement with cell phones and free minutes:

“This is one of several student-motivation proposals that the department is considering,” said David Cantor, a spokesman for the city Education Department. He said that “this is a proposal that neither the mayor nor the chancellor has signed off on.”

The proposal is in line with the larger incentive program that Dr. Fryer is running, as well as with programs offering bonuses to teachers and principals based on student performance.

Last month, the city embraced a plan by a private foundation to reward students who pass Advanced Placement tests with thousands of dollars.

Even the Missouri NEA is in on the action. Here you can download certificates to give to "Champion Students" and "Champion Readers." And although the organization is opposed to merit pay, the page includes a link to a certificate for "Champion Teachers," too. Apparently, rewarding good teachers with fancy pieces of paper is OK, as long as the paper doesn’t happen to be U.S. currency.

Will these rewards motivate students to succeed? I think it depends on the reward. The cash sounds like it will be more effective than the certificates. However, anyone with experience teaching or tutoring knows that choice itself is often the most effective motivator. You can pay a kid to read a literature textbook, and he’ll read through it as quickly as possible to get the money. But if you tell him he can choose any book he wants, like the latest Harry Potter release, he’ll be absorbed in the book.

Instead of giving out cell phone minutes or frequent flier miles, we could just give families the choice of where their kids will go to school. But kids will probably receive a lot of certificates before that choice is available to everyone.

“Smokey, this is not ‘Nam. This is bowling. There are rules.”

There’s another article this morning on Missouri campaign contribution limits (I’ve blogged about this issue before). Apparently, the contribution limits are ineffective (surprise!).

Saint Louis Mayor Francis Slay is one of a handful of candidates who has voluntarily returned excess individual campaign contributions in anticipation of a decision by the Missouri Ethics Committee. But the irony is that he subsequently collected the same amount in contributions by breaking them up among multiple donors, with each individual contribution coming in under the state limit. This has become common practice at the federal level, and only exacerbates the “problem” of campaign disclosure.

But what does it matter whether or not the funds come from an individual donor? “It undermines democracy,” Nick Nyart, President of the Washington-based advocacy group Public Campaign says, “by making it difficult to track donations, and giving corporations more sway than voters.”

It seems to me that it undermines democracy (well, at least freedom) to restrict individuals from spending their money as they please.

Internship Application Deadline Extended

We’ve extended the application deadline for Spring 2008 internships through Friday, November 16. So if you’re a student (or you know one) who’s interested in Missouri public policy, be sure to look into our internship program.

Spring 2008 internships will generally last from mid-January through mid-May, although schedules can be adjusted to meet individual student needs.

Here are a few highlights from our internship program description:

  • Because the Show-Me Institute is a "small shop," interns will be involved in virtually all aspects of the institute’s operations. Interns will work closely with senior staff on a wide variety of projects. They can expect greater responsibility and personal attention than they would receive at larger organizations.
  • Interns will assist staff members with a variety of tasks. These may include researching public policy topics, organizing events, and writing and editing opeds, newsletters, studies, and other documents. Some administrative and clerical tasks may also be required.
  • A Show-Me Institute internship is an excellent opportunity to improve your research and writing skills. Each intern will produce an op-ed on a public policy topic of interest to him or her. Each intern will receive feedback and assistance from SMI staff members throughout the process.

We have an ambitious publishing schedule lined up for early 2008, and Show-Me Institute interns will play a large role in that process. Consider signing up today!

“I Do Not Think It Means What You Think It Means…”

On Sunday, the Kansas City Star ran a column that misinterprets a recent report published by the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute. I read the study a couple of weeks ago and was baffled — not so much by the results, but by the focus of the study and its methodology. Naturally, choice opponents have taken its publication as an opportunity to twist the findings to fit their worldview. I’ll try to explain what the report actually said, and why it is of dubious value. In the immortal words of Inigo Montoya, "I do not think it means what you think it means."

While commenters have repeatedly suggested that this report demonstrates the failure of Milwaukee’s Parental Choice Program, it is vitally important to note that the report was limited to an attempt to guess the levels of parental involvement in the public schools, and the decisionmaking process of parents exercising public school choice — all based solely on the demographic characteristics of parents in the school district. These guesses were based on data for Milwaukee supplied by the Census Bureau’s 2005 American Community Survey, and on demographic-based trends for parent and family involvement in education reported by the National Household Education Surveys Program. The NHESP data amounts to demographic assumptions about the effect of parents’ educational attainment, race, and ethnicity, household composition (single-parent v. two-parent), and mothers’ employment status. The author of the WPRI report simply applied these assumptions to the census data for Milwaukee families.

The report concluded that less than half of Milwaukee parents whose children are in public schools consider more than one school when deciding where their children will attend, and only two-thirds of those who do consider two or more schools factor academic performance into their choices. The author further assumed that only about one-third of Milwaukee public school parents are highly involved in their children’s schools, and that less than half are projected to participate at home in their children’s educations. According to the author, because Milwaukee’s demographics suggest that the city’s parents are unlikely to be involved with their children’s educations and unlikely to consider academic credentials when choosing among public schools, the city’s public schools should not be expected to realize significant improvements from the impact of public school choice.

This report’s methodology renders it practically worthless, for several reasons:

  1. The report makes no effort to describe realities in Milwaukee. The author points to no local study that demonstrates how Milwaukee’s parents might mirror (or diverge from) the results of the national research. Put simply: the author’s report isn’t about Milwaukee, it’s about what you might expect from a nationwide random sample of people whose demographics roughly match those of parents with children in Milwaukee’s public schools. One of the reasons this assumption should be challenged is the fact that the city has had a school choice program in place for nearly twenty years, whereas the vast majority of parents nationwide still have no choice. Given this unique history with school choice, why would the author assume that Milwaukee’s parents’ decisionmaking must still conform to national norms? Because it is completely divorced from the reality of Milwaukee’s situation, this report would have yielded exactly the same results even if Milwaukee had no school choice program.
  2. The report provides no basis for comparing the current levels of educational attainment in Milwaukee Public Schools with those prior to the adoption of the choice program. The author shows that the city’s public schools currently lag behind the rest of the state, but fails to point out that the achievement gap is narrower today for schools exposed to competition than it was before the introduction of competition.
  3. Similarly, the report does not compare academic outcomes between schools insulated from competition, and those exposed to competition, which improved. This report has absolutely nothing to say about how competition and choice has affected Milwaukee’s public schools.
  4. The report suggests that public school choice should be considered a failure if parents place more value on non-academic factors when deciding where their children should attend. Parents prefer schools based on a huge array of considerations, and many families believe themselves to be best served by schools that are conveniently located, safe, or values-based. The power of choice — and the reason that choice programs routinely have long waiting lists — is that parents can make decisions based on what they think is best for their children and family, not what is important to or convenient for bureaucrats.

The fact of the matter is that the best available research — and there is a lot of it — shows that school choice in Milwaukee has been fantastic for kids who are given the chance to attend private schools, but that it has also driven improvements in public schools as well. School choice is no longer an unknown commodity, and two recent books make a compelling argument that choice is remarkably effective at generating improvement in failing public schools. Because I live in the St. Louis Public School District, I can only hope that Missouri will accept the wisdom of school choice by the time I have school-age kids.

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