Charters Held to a Higher Standard

The New York Times reports that Ohio’s attorney general is trying to close some of the state’s charter schools, and charter school supporters in other states are starting to worry.

It doesn’t seem fair to impose all this scrutiny on charter schools without doing anything about the failing traditional public schools that spurred the charter movement in the first place. The article notes that 43 percent of traditional public schools in Ohio’s cities are failing, too. Where is the effort to close them? Charters are trying to reverse a trend of academic failure that has persisted for decades. They won’t all be able to do that overnight. The point is made by one priceless quote from the article about the Ohio attorney general’s plan:

“This is like suing the American Cancer Society just because they haven’t yet cured cancer."

Fortunately for Missourians who like charter schools, the disaster in the St. Louis Public Schools makes even the least successful charters look like John Burroughs by comparison.

Interesting Story in Post About Outsourcing Mental Health Care

The St. Louis Post-Dispatch has a very interesting story (link via Combest) on the state’s plan to send the casework on developmentally disabled citizens to local and county boards, and outside groups. I don’t yet know enough about this plan to talk with certainty about it, although it sounds good to me in theory. I think that some of the cost savings that would be realized by outsourcing should be put back into very solid oversight of the program. The Legislature has yet to approve this plan, and I look forward to hearing more about it. I hope both its pluses and minuses get a fair examination.

The real point of this post, though, is yet more examples of how the welfare state has become a permanent part of some people’s mindsets, and the belief many have — which I will never comprehend — that government bureaucrats are somehow more kindly and fair than employees in the private sector. Trust me on this, people — there is nobody more cold than a bureaucrat following orders and a budget. Here is a quote from one state rep whose worldview never fails to astound me:

Details aside, one legislator said the plan suffers from a core flaw. Rep. Margaret Donnelly, D-Richmond Heights, said the state, not outside groups, has the duty of looking after the care of the developmentally disabled. "The real issue is that those clients are our responsibility," she said.

How about including the family in this issue, first and foremost? Isn’t it the responsibility of the families, rather than the state, to look after their own family members? Here is another quote demonstrating welfare-state creep:

Woodruff, of Poplar Bluff, fears those changes will spell the end of an arrangement that has allowed her son to live at home, with the help of round-the-clock care. "It’s all about the money, and it shouldn’t be about the money," she said.

Of course it is not about the money when everybody else is paying for it. I really don’t mean to sound cruel, but the assumption so many people have that other people should pay for their needs is something that always amazes me. As I said, I don’t know whether this proposal is a good one or not, but it sounds promising as a way to both improve service and make sure more of the money goes to the people who need it, rather than to the layers of bureaucracy that oversee it.

Clayton Won’t Play By the Rules

Four St. Louis families with children attending Clayton schools (and who previously attended St. Louis schools) are filing a lawsuit against the Clayton School District, arguing that their tuition should be paid by the St. Louis Public School District and that it is Clayton’s responsibility to collect from them.

Their attorney summarizes the issue as follows:

"Any such pupil who happens to reside in a district that has lost its
accreditation has the right, under the statute, to attend a school
district that is accredited, either in the county in which he or she
resides, or as the statute provides, in an adjoining county," Kistner
said. […]

"The fact that the Clayton School District continues to participate in
the program … while at the same time claiming to have no obligation
to participate in the program when it concerns residents of the City of
St. Louis simply adds fuel to the fire," Kistner said.

More information is available here.

Unintended Consequences

I think Dave Stokes is right about voting, but education is one subject that we should listen to economists about. I immediately thought of Freakonomics when I read this in the Post-Dispatch:

The Affton School Board has approved a policy that could fine parents who habitually pick up their children late from the district’s after-school program. […]

Parents who arrive late will now be given one warning. Thereafter, parents will be subject to a $10 fine for arriving up to 15 minutes late, $15 for up to 30 minutes late, and $20 for any pickup after 6:30 p.m.

In the book, Levitt and Dubner discuss a study in which an incentive scheme like that was found to increase the number of kids left at school late (actually, in the case of the study, I think it was a daycare center). That’s because in the absence of fines, parents assume that leaving their kids late is a large burden on the staff. They’ll try hard to get there on time. When you institute modest fines, parents think, "Hey, the school doesn’t really care whether I’m on time or not. It’s just a little bit of an inconvenience for them, but I don’t need to feel bad about that because I’ll pay the $15." Now, if they charged $150, that would bring down the number of late parents.

Big School Vote in Kansas City! Will It Come to St. Louis Next?

Voters in the section of the Kansas City school district that lies in the suburbs of Independence and Sugar Creek approved a boundary change, switching their schools to the suburban school districts and out of Kansas City. The Kansas City Star has the round-up here. The fact that voters in both the old and new districts approved the switch likely means it will move forward smoothly, but a recent change to state law requiring approval from only voters within the area intending to move, rather than the voters from both the old and new districts, made the change easier.

The new law applied only to unaccredited or provisionally accredited school districts, and I wonder whether it applies to St. Louis as well. I think this is the relevant statute. It states that it applies only to cities with more than 350,000 people — which would, at least for now, exclude St. Louis. But it adds, "and in any other school district if the local board of education does not anticipate a return to accredited status …"

So my question is, what is preventing parents in the St. Louis School District from seceding and incorporating into neighboring suburban districts? Especially if, as I understand it, only the people in the area moving need to approve the vote? Somebody who knows more about this than I do should feel free to correct me if I’m wrong, at [email protected].

Why You Should Vote, and Not Listen to Economists on the Subject

If you wanted a good counter argument for this, then scroll down to the very bottom of the article here. Or, better yet, through the miracle of copy and paste, I present the results from the Kansas City Star:

· The Inter City Fire Protection District chose Linda Kidd for director over Jack Wise, by a vote of 36-35.

How would you like to be Jack Wise’s one drinking buddy who forgot to show up at the polls?

Start Choice Early

I went to preschool for one year, when I was four. Religion is one of those topics that’s off-limits on Show-Me Daily, so I can’t tell you much about my experience other than to say that I spent a lot of the time sitting on a carpet sample in a circle on the floor. I certainly didn’t study any subjects that No Child Left Behind tests you on.

This burst of nostalgia was inspired by an article about universal preschool in the New York Times. (Expanding preschool education is one of those education reforms that policymakers hope will get rid of that pesky test score gap between black and white students.) The author observes:

Nobody wants a two-tiered system, which isn’t likely to narrow the achievement gap, or a rigid one-size-fits-all system, either.

Those are valid concerns. We’re all familiar with the problems caused by a one-size-fits-all approach to K-12 education, and with the injustices inherent in sending city kids to failing city schools while kids in the suburbs get a better deal.

Preschool education will work only if it isn’t based on that flawed model. There are public preschools in the city of St. Louis, as well as a handful of parents-as-teachers programs, but they haven’t lifted test scores or stemmed the tide of dropouts. That’s not surprising; if a school can’t make progress with five-, six-, or seven-year-olds, it doesn’t make sense to send younger kids there too.

As you might expect, I have a parental-choice solution to that problem:

While there is a strong case for public support for funding interventions in the early childhood of disadvantaged children, there is no reason for the interventions to be conducted in public centers. Vouchers that can be used in privately run programs would promote competition and efficiency in the provision of early enrichment programs. They would allow parents to choose the venues and values offered in the programs that enrich their child’s earliest years.

That quote is from James Heckman, a Nobel laureate in economics and a strong supporter of early childhood education. Maybe we can convince him to be an SMI scholar.

Public Schools Improve!

In an interesting counterpoint to the report I discussed yesterday, the Economic Policy Institute has recently released a study entitled Vouchers and Public School Performance, which assesses the impact of Milwaukee’s Parental Choice Program on the public schools there.

The most fascinating thing about this report is that it explicitly acknowledges the choice program’s positive impact on public schools: "[T]he observed improvement in public school test scores associated with the implementation of a greatly expanded voucher plan in 1998 was probably a response to the threat of increased competition." According to the researchers, the problem is that — by their measurements — the improvement in the public schools appears to have been a one-time phenomenon, because the improvement plateaued once the scholarship program’s expansion was completed. Sure, the program seems to have created improvements, they argue, but it’s not clear that competition is generating the steady upward trend in public school performance that choice advocates anticipated.

The authors conclude, "If choice can, at best, produce a one-time improvement, particularly an improvement due to schools taking standardized tests more seriously, this is an effect that can probably be produced by other (possibly lower cost) policies and incentives."

The first important point to make is that, although the authors do not concede the success of choice for those students using the program to attend private schools (they claim those impacts are too difficult to assess absent a state-mandated evaluation), they plainly acknowledge that, far from crippling the Milwaukee Public Schools in the way choice opponents had threatened, the choice program resulted in unambiguous improvement in the public schools’ performance. The scholars are merely struggling to explain how public schools might be able to accomplish similar results without school choice. The point they want people to ignore? However you want to explain it, school choice in Milwaukee has improved the public schools!

The second important point is that there are now more than 17,200 low-income students enjoying educational choices that they would previously have been denied. Before the choice program was implemented, only wealthy parents got to choose where their children would go to school. Now those options are available even to those who need them the most. School choice in Milwaukee has given thousands of families educational freedom!

The third important point is that the authors try to put the burden of explanation back on choice advocates. I love this one. The authors say, "for the choice argument to be convincing, advocates need to show more consistent and sustained improvements in student learning and should be able to explain at the operational level how choice induces schools to improve student performance." Are you kidding? They acknowledge the improvements, acknowledge that the choice program is the source of those improvements, but then effectively say that unless we can explain to their satisfaction why school choice worked, they’ll continue to try and take educational choice away from those poor families." Choice opponents are willing to abandon a program that has improved the public schools simply because they don’t understand why it works!

The final important point I’ll address is that for all of the billions of dollars spent by public school systems nationwide in desperate efforts to improve their schools without disturbing the status quo, it was a low-cost choice program in Milwaukee (the city spends $12,000 per public school student, but only $6,500 per choice student) that has shown the most promise for improving public schools. Opponents of choice may argue that the upward trend in public school achievement was temporary, but the gains are significant and have been sustained. Choice opponents are happy to demand billions of dollars for the status quo, but vehemently oppose demonstrably successful reforms that could actually result in less educational spending!

Anything But Choice

When opponents of parental choice say that it won’t work, I’m always eager to hear what alternative reforms they have in mind. Sometimes they suggest paying students for good grades or test scores. The rewards could just be cash, but policymakers have thought up more creative ideas. For example, this article in the New York Times outlines Roland Fryer’s plan to reward New York students’ academic achievement with cell phones and free minutes:

“This is one of several student-motivation proposals that the department is considering,” said David Cantor, a spokesman for the city Education Department. He said that “this is a proposal that neither the mayor nor the chancellor has signed off on.”

The proposal is in line with the larger incentive program that Dr. Fryer is running, as well as with programs offering bonuses to teachers and principals based on student performance.

Last month, the city embraced a plan by a private foundation to reward students who pass Advanced Placement tests with thousands of dollars.

Even the Missouri NEA is in on the action. Here you can download certificates to give to "Champion Students" and "Champion Readers." And although the organization is opposed to merit pay, the page includes a link to a certificate for "Champion Teachers," too. Apparently, rewarding good teachers with fancy pieces of paper is OK, as long as the paper doesn’t happen to be U.S. currency.

Will these rewards motivate students to succeed? I think it depends on the reward. The cash sounds like it will be more effective than the certificates. However, anyone with experience teaching or tutoring knows that choice itself is often the most effective motivator. You can pay a kid to read a literature textbook, and he’ll read through it as quickly as possible to get the money. But if you tell him he can choose any book he wants, like the latest Harry Potter release, he’ll be absorbed in the book.

Instead of giving out cell phone minutes or frequent flier miles, we could just give families the choice of where their kids will go to school. But kids will probably receive a lot of certificates before that choice is available to everyone.

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