Juicing the Issue

The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform met yesterday for the second inning of its finger-pointing, denial-giving, not-talking-about-the-past examination of baseball’s steroid era. While these particular events usually make great theater (the last installment forever tarnishing the legacy of a certain boyhood hero of the author), yesterday’s congressional examination of the Mitchell Report was overshadowed by steroid news closer to home.

According to an article in yesterday’s Post-Dispatch, the Missouri General Assembly is pushing forth a bill that would require secondary schools to adopt programs that would randomly test student athletes for substances including performance-enhancing drugs, such as anabolic steroids.

The bill comes on the heels of a similar program by the state of Illinois, which is given its traditional due by an official of the Illinois High School Association:

"Our new testing policy will protect the health of our youth and give
students a reason to say no when the pressures mount to take a
shortcut," IHSA Executive Director Marty Hickman said in a prepared
statement.

Despite this, the proposal is facing a number of criticisms from local coaches and administrators who claim that, in addition to being expensive (about $200 a test), the issue would be best served if it was avoided by the state (emphasis added):

"If local boards of education want to explore the possibility of drug
testing, that’s their option," said Brent Ghan, spokesman for the
Missouri School Boards Association, which opposes the legislation. "It
should be left as a local policy issue
."

Some high school athletes will do almost anything to get ahead, but it should not be the place of the state to act as a watchman over the behavior of students participating in sports. Every player on every team has signed some form of code of contact pledging his or her commitment to play the game fairly, and arrangements regarding violations of that code (which certainly include steroid use) can and should be reached at the school or district level.

It’s at this point, not in a committee room in Jefferson City, where the input of coaches, administrators, and parents could all be assessed in order to help solve what obviously would be a deeper problem than simple drug use. Besides, there is nothing that a group of 6’5" 160-pound volleyball players would hate more than submitting a urine sample before a match because the state thinks they’re on the juice.

That being said, steroids are a great danger to any athlete that should never even be considered by developing young men. If you don’t believe me, ask him.

Will the Missouri Supreme Court Leave Your Home At Risk?

When Homer Tourkakis set up his dentistry practice 20 years ago in Arnold, Mo., he never dreamed that the city could take his well-kept office and give it away to someone else — but that is exactly what the city’s officials are trying to do. Hoping that a new shopping center would generate more tax money than Dr. Tourkakis’ practice, the city declared his building and those around it “blighted,” in an effort to justify giving the properties to THF Realty for construction of the Arnold Triangle project.

Knowing that the state Constitution is supposed to protect Missourians’ right to keep private property, Dr. Tourkakis asked the courts to enforce his constitutional rights and prevent the taking of his business. On January 17, the Missouri Supreme Court will hear his case, and its decision will have repercussions for nearly every home and business owner in the state.

One hundred years ago, there would have been absolutely no doubt that the Court would side with Dr. Tourkakis. Missouri’s Bill of Rights has four separate provisions that emphasize citizens’ fundamental right to keep what they own unless their property is necessary for a true public use, like roads, parks, or public buildings. The early cases interpreting those provisions made clear that the right of individuals to “enjoy the gains of their own industry” was vital and could not be subverted unless the government proved the necessity of violating that right.

During the last 50 years, however, judges have steadily given municipalities, unelected government authorities, and even some private companies more and more power to take homes, businesses, and houses of worship from their owners so that other private interests could profit from them. This is usually accomplished using a legal loophole that allows municipalities to condemn properties, and possibly entire neighborhoods, in areas they deem “blighted.” Dozens of Missouri cities have applied blight designations to thousands of normal, well-kept properties in order to create sweetheart deals for commercial developers. As a result, Missouri has developed one of the nation’s worst records for eminent domain abuse.

These sorts of abuses have been pervasive among cities in the Saint Louis metro area.  For example, the city of Sunset Hills only recently ended a seven-year nightmare for more than 300 citizens threatened with condemnation in the name of redeveloping what had been a perfectly normal neighborhood. Eureka designated as “blighted” more than 900 acres of the old Allenton area to intimidate unwilling homeowners into selling their properties to the developer of Eureka Commons — eventually leading to several uses of eminent domain. Meanwhile, Valley Park’s residents have been forced into a state of perpetual anxiety because of the city’s repeated efforts to designate homes and businesses as blighted in order to attract commercial developers.

The Kansas City area has also seen its share of cities abusing eminent domain. The city of Liberty threatened to condemn Liberty Christian Union Church, two charities, and several small businesses to make way for the Liberty Triangle development. Despite the developer’s insistence that it does not plan to use eminent domain, Raytown’s downtown redevelopment plan reserves the right to take homes and businesses whose owners prove unwilling to sell on the city’s terms. Meanwhile, the Sugar Creek Board of Aldermen is using the city’s own negligent upkeep of roads, sidewalks, and utility lines to “blight” more than 70 homes and businesses so their owners can be forced to sell them to the city’s chosen developer.

In addition to the widespread use of eminent domain in Missouri’s major metropolitan areas, many smaller cities in more rural areas have demonstrated a willingness to sacrifice their citizens’ rights in the pursuit of higher tax revenues. The city of Branson condemned two properties and used threats of eminent domain to force Harvest Evangelical Free Church and a number of businesses to make way for a Bass Pro Shop, hotels, and luxury condos in the Branson Landing development. Rolla spent four years tailoring its blight findings to suit potential commercial developers and threatening eminent domain against the affected properties before finally allowing the rightful owners to manage the area’s redevelopment. Meanwhile, Ozark’s City Council recently voted unanimously to leave in place a blight designation whose 47 acres include numerous well-kept properties near the Finley River. Even though the city recently passed an ordinance forbidding the use of eminent domain for its redevelopment project, the threat to property owners will only truly be extinguished if the bogus blight designation is lifted.

When the Missouri Supreme Court hears arguments in City of Arnold v. Tourkakis on Thursday, it will have to choose between two very different paths. The Court could side with the city and its commercial developers, meaning that virtually every home, business, and house of worship in the state could be condemned and given away for the profit of a government-chosen owner. Or the Court could turn the tide in favor of individual liberty by deciding that the state Constitution’s protections for private property still have meaning. So watch this case carefully — your constitutional freedoms are hanging in the balance.

Dave Roland has litigated eminent domain cases in state and federal courts and has offered expert testimony on the issue to state legislatures. He is a policy analyst at the Show-Me Institute, a Missouri-based think tank. The Show-Me Institute’s “friend of the court” brief in City of Arnold v. Tourkakis is available online.

 

Missouri Supreme Court to Decide Whether Cities May Continue to Abuse Eminent Domain

 

During the five years between December 2002 and November 2007, dozens of cities acting without a constitutional charter used bogus blight designations to threaten the use of eminent domain against more than 1,500 properties. Facing the threat of condemnation, many owners reluctantly sold their homes and businesses for less than they were worth.

The Missouri Bill of Rights contains some of the strongest property rights protections in the entire nation, said Jenifer Roland, the Show-Me Institute’s director of policy and a nationally respected expert in eminent domain law. It is appalling that this state’s cities have been given so much leeway to trample on their citizens’ freedoms.

Dr. Homer Tourkakis, a dentist who has practiced in Arnold, Mo., for two decades, chose to fight for his constitutional rights rather than accept a low-ball offer for his business. His resistance was vindicated last year when a judge ruled that the Missouri Constitution does not permit cities like Arnold to take properties based on claims of blight.

The Show-Me Institute submitted a brief to the Missouri Supreme Court in support of Dr. Tourkakis, arguing that the Court should stem the tide of eminent domain abuse by enforcing constitutional limitations on government authority to take citizens properties.

The Missouri Supreme Court has a golden opportunity to do the right thing by affirming the Constitution’s emphatic protection of individual liberties, said Dave Roland, a policy analyst for the Show-Me Institute. A proper decision from the Court will reassure Missourians that they have a right to keep what belongs to them.

 

Show-Me Institute’s Brief of Amicus Curiae

Op-Ed: Will the Missouri Supreme Court Leave Your Home At Risk?

Policy Study: The Specter of Condemnation: The Case Against Eminent Domain for Private Profit in Missouri

Missouri’s Eminent Domain Report Card (issued by the Castle Coalition and authored by Jenifer Zeigler Roland)

Previous Reports on Eminent Domain Abuse in Missouri:
Public Power, Private Gain: Missouri
Opening the Floodgates: Missouri

Live Streaming Audio of the City of Arnold v. Tourkakis Oral Argument (available Thursday from 9:30 – 10:15 a.m.)

 

 

Not Early to Bed, Not Likely to Rise

The New York Times ran an op-ed in yesterday’s edition describing the negative effects of increasingly earlier start times for students in secondary schools. Although a good deal of science and logic was presented over the course of the argument, the main point is thus:

[T]eenagers’ body clocks are set to a schedule that is different from that of younger children or adults. … The result is that the first class of the morning is often a waste,
with as many as 28 percent of students falling asleep, according to a
National Sleep Foundation poll. Some are so sleepy they don’t even show
up, contributing to failure and dropout rates.

Considering the state of the American education system, any bit of help goes a long way, and the circadian rhythms of the average American teenager cry out for relief every weekday from the grind of the early rise. Rested students perform better in class, are more competitive in athletics, and — according to one district in Kentucky — are involved in fewer early-morning automobile accidents.

According to the article, the National Sleep Foundation suggests that teenagers don’t reach their most functional state until after 8:00 a.m. However, only one major Missouri school district begins classes after this point. The Rockwood School District (which, in the interest of full disclosure, this author is an alumnus of) shifted its start time for high schools back to 8:28 A.M. at the beginning of the 2007-2008 school year.

Could such a shift help disadvantaged schools in Missouri? If nothing else, the opportunity certainly seems to exist. St. Louis and Kansas City public high schools currently begin at 7:20, while the Wellston School District’s Eskridge High School starts classes at 7:45.

While such a shift will not cure everything that ails these districts, later classes could mean better attendance and more productivity from students. As I said before, every little bit counts.

Midwives at the Movies

I see on the Ethical Society’s website that they just had a program presented by Free the Midwives and showed a new film about maternity care. You can follow that last link to see snippets from the documentary.

I agree with the director that the legal environment discourages choice. Doctors can charge their patients more because they don’t have to compete with the cheaper midwives. However, from the trailer, it looks like this film is less about extolling the benefits of competition and more about putting down the people who run and work at hospitals.

This strategy could backfire. The trailer says that hospitals just care about money. But most midwives aren’t volunteers, and they have to admit that women who give birth in hospitals enjoy extra security thanks to all the lifesaving equipment hospitals have ready — expensive equipment that patients have to pay for. And while many mothers have been satisfied with their experiences with midwives, there are some high-risk births that midwives will never be able to handle.

It’s also inconsistent to censure hospitals for moving women out of hospital beds too quickly, while praising midwives for helping women stay away from the hospital. Hospitals have good reason to try to get women to go home as soon as possible; there’s the risk of infection, for example.

And some of the complaints about what happens in delivery rooms could be more fairly directed at patients. Women have a responsibility to talk to their doctors about what medications they’ll take and what will be done in case of complications. If they don’t choose to inform themselves when they go to the doctor, they may make the same mistake even with a midwife.

Women should be able to choose midwives if they wish, so I’m rooting for the midwives. But I hope they’ll turn their PR efforts away from exaggerating the extent of their persecution and spreading fear about hospitals, where most babies will be delivered even under the freest laws. Even if hospitals do a good job, and I think most do, women should still have the choice to use a midwife.

New Study Examines Tuition Tax Credits

Today, the Show-Me Institute released a new policy study, "The Fiscal Effects of a Tuition Tax Credit Program in Missouri," by University of Missouri-Columbia economics professor and Show-Me Institute board member Michael Podgursky, former Show-Me Institute policy analyst Sarah Brodsky, and current Show-Me Institute policy analyst Justin Hauke.

A tuition tax credits program would allow Missouri taxpayers to target their tax dollars towards meaningful educational reform by providing educational scholarships to low-income Missouri families. In the states where they have been adopted, such tax credits have allowed thousands of children to obtain quality educations in the schools of their choice. They have been a beacon of hope to families who otherwise would have few educational opportunities.

Not only would such a program offer new educational opportunities to thousands of students, it could well save taxpayers’ money. The study concludes:

Depending on the average scholarship size and low-income families’ responses to the change in tuition, the state could potentially save money from a tuition tax credit program. A partial credit offers the greatest opportunity for savings, but in all cases, the cost to the state will be far lower than the tax revenue loss. Most importantly, a tuition tax credit program would help to reduce the gap in educational opportunities between Missouri’s high- and low-income families, and would provide meaningful choices for students in school districts that have lost accreditation.

Steve Walsh of Missourinet has just posted a brief article accompanied by a 60-second radio spot featuring comments by Justin Hauke, coauthor of the study and regular Show-Me Daily blogger. During the interview, Justin said, "Wealther Missourians already have this opportunity. Families that can afford to send their children to private school, or whatever school they want — that’s already an option for them. We’re trying to reach the vast majority of families that don’t have that option. So we’re really just trying to level the playing field."

Ultimately, this is the most valuable aspect of school choice. It makes the best educational opportunities available to children from all socioeconomic backgrounds.

The Cussin’ Ban Lives!

I wrote last week about St. Charles’ proposed ban on "indecent, profane, or obscene language, song[s], entertainment, literature, or advertising." Yesterday, Rachel Kaatmann reported that the city had abandoned its effort to implement the cussin’ ban.

Not so!! Instead, the city has engaged in some legal sleight-of-hand. Richard Veit, the councilmember who was sponsoring the amendment that would have adopted the ban, has modified both his story and the proposed ordinance. He now says that the cussin’ ban was merely intended to formally adopt regulations that have long been promulgated at the state level. To satisfy objectors, he removed the (ironically) offending language from the ordinance.

Veit was correct in that state regulations — specifically, 11 CSR 70-2.130(13)(A) — already include the cussin’ ban. The trick is that these regulations are only enforceable by representatives of the state government, unless local authorities adopt ordinances that would allow local enforcement. So how did Veit make sure that he could still hang on to the cussin’ ban? When he took the ban out of the text of the ordinance, he added section 115.32(A)(2)(g), providing for the revocation of a business owner’s liquor license if a proprietor allows behavior that would constitute a violation of "state regulations." Thus, St. Charles still fully intends to have the legal ability to punish bar owners who allow language, music, entertainment, etc., that might offend the sensibilities of some.

Very sneaky, Councilmember Veit. But we’re on to you.

Regulating Fake Identities on the Internet

Here’s an interesting twist in the Megan Meier case. Federal prosecutors in Los Angeles might charge the people who allegedly harassed Megan with defrauding MySpace, because they opened an account with a fake identity.

A law professor quoted in the article explains why prosecuting people for using fake identities on the Internet could lead to trouble:

Levenson, a former federal prosecutor, said that if the grand jury brings an indictment, it could raise 1st Amendment issues and questions about how to fairly enforce such a law on the Internet, where pseudo-identities are common.

"This may be a net that catches a lot of people," she said.

Levenson is right — so many people have fake identities on the internet that enforcement would have to be selective.

Most people are aware that Internet appearances can be deceiving, and they discount information from anonymous sources. If a major news website reports on social trends, you might give it some consideration. But if someone identifying himself only as "Josh" says he doesn’t like you anymore, you probably wouldn’t consider that credible. Teenagers with fragile self-esteem approach the situation in an entirely different way, and can feel devastated after whoever happens to be online expresses disapproval.

That’s a good reason for parents of teens to be careful in monitoring their online activities. It’s not a good reason to prosecute people for using fake identities on the Internet. Anonymous communication online is usually not harmful, and it can be beneficial. In other media, people publish letters to the editor, op-eds, or books anonymously. That allows anyone to safely express unpopular opinions. We should have the same freedom of speech online.

The Bandwagon Just Got Fangs

After the General Assembly last week introduced legislation to prevent another sub-prime mortgage crisis in Missouri, the Kansas City Business Journal is reporting that Gov. Matt Blunt has introduced proposals to strengthen said bill, which would include creating the crime of "Mortgage Fraud," a class-C felony.

Wow, that escalated quickly.

Now, I really have no problem with the establishment of criminal statutes for the prevention of obviously criminal activity. What I have a problem with is this (emphasis added):

"A trade group for bankers has said that most of the state’s regulated
financial institutions — such as neighborhood banks and credit unions ?
aren’t deeply involved in sub-prime loans. But the leader of a trade
group for mortgage bankers warned that going too far with penalties on
lenders could make it more difficult to get credit in Missouri
."

Ignoring the obvious criticism of a mortgage banker protesting actions targeted specifically against members of his industry, do we really think that a state response to a national credit crisis is going to be the biggest threat against the financial security of Missourians?

Heck, I’d probably be more worried about this guy.

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