The Deadline Hath Arrived

The appropriators in Jefferson City have managed to finalize a budget before the May 11 deadline. The final version of the budget amounts to a little more than $24 billion. The key differences between the Missouri House and Senate budgets that held up the conference committee from crafting a final budget seem to have been resolved.

The most recent stumbling block involved funding for the Sue Shear Institute for Women in Public Life. The Institute’s goal is to help prepare women to run for public office. There is nothing wrong with that, but should taxpayers foot the bill? In economic times such as these, it should be a relatively easy call to cut funding for programs like this one. Apparently in Jefferson City, the call was not so easy. The Shear Institute gets to keep state funding. This fracas is indicative of the problems that plague Jefferson City.

If deciding on whether to cut funding for a non-essential program like the Shear Institute can cause the budgeting process to screech to a halt, what would happen if something much bigger was on the table, such as tax credit reform? Organizations on the left and the right have called for tax credit reform, but yet there seems to be little movement to actually enact any meaningful reform (a reform, by the way, that, if enacted, would do a lot to alleviate the current budget situation in which the state finds itself).

The budget impasse has been resolved. However, this situation is indicative of the obstacles facing any reform measure that might be proposed.

A Rare, Wonderful Opportunity To Deliver Better Health Care To Missouri’s Underserved

In February, I wrote at length about an important charitable organization, Remote Area Medical (RAM), which delivers free health care to those who otherwise could not get it. Indeed, RAM and organizations like it have helped patients all around the world. As I found out from RAM’s founder Stan Brock, however, excessive Missouri licensing laws have hampered his group’s mission to help the needy in this state.

Mr. Brock told me that RAM wanted to do more in Missouri, but onerous state requirements — such as requiring licensed in-state medical personnel to participate in a clinic before RAM could provide its services — had stifled his organization on several occasions. Most recently, he said, Missouri regulations prevented RAM from providing free eyeglasses to the southwest corner of the state.

Well, Missouri may be on the verge of rectifying the problem if one bill gets to a final vote. Introduced by Rep. David Sater, House Bill 1072 appears to adopt much of the same legislative language used to facilitate volunteer medical services in Tennessee, which was a pioneer of the volunteer health services law. Better still, the legislation passed through the Missouri House in March and is now close to a vote in the Senate.

Given the movement in the health insurance exchange policy field and the Senate’s earlier allowance for a grade school optometrist mandate to lapse, this session may just be a banner one for health care policy in the state of Missouri. For more information on how burdensome occupational licensing laws affect Missouri, please check out our work in the area, which you can find here, here, and here.

Acts Of Land Bank Desperation

It was comical that Missouri legislators, apparently blind to irony, tacked a lengthy land bank bill onto a bill that was supposed to increase government transparency.

Well, lawmakers have done it again. The latest bill to get what I am now going to call the “Kansas City Land Bank Bump” is Senate Bill 692, a bill that was initially intended to help counties manage their budgets. This time, the bill ballooned from two pages to an impressive 93 pages. It appears that about 30 of those pages are dedicated to creating a land bank in Kansas City.

Given that a land bank created under this bill could entail unlimited amounts of debt, the addition of the land bank language to a county budget bill is almost as ironic as the previous act of desperation.

Moreover, these moves may not even be constitutional. The Missouri Constitution states that bills cannot contain more than one subject, and that subject must be clearly stated in the bill’s title. Does “decreasing county budgets” accurately describe a bill that would create a land bank? Perhaps, if SB 692 passes, a court will have to decide.

Look, if a land bank is such a great idea (and after extensive study, I do not think it is), why can’t legislators pass it on its own merits, instead of continuing to try and hide it as an amendment to unrelated bills?

If You Need A Subsidy In Chesterfield, Where Don’t You Need One?

Monday night, the Chesterfield City Council gave preliminary approval to a new outlet mall development that plans to impose a Community Improvement District (CID) sales tax of 1 percent to help finance the project. This CID is a tax subsidy and a tax giveaway, just like any TIF (Tax Increment Financing), EEZ (Enhanced Enterprise Zones), or other route of central economic planning.

I will admit that CIDs are a little less noxious than TIFs. But, no matter what grading scale, tax subsidies are not needed in Chesterfield. The market for retail shopping is plenty strong that the city does not need to turn over the taxing authority to private developers. The real issue, however, is that with projects like this, we must acknowledge that we long ago passed the tipping point where basically every major development in Saint Louis and Kansas City is subsidized by the taxpayers. When you are going forward with subsidies for things like outlet malls in one of the nicest parts of the region, the idea of a free market is basically defeated. Once you subsidize outlet malls in wealthy areas, at what possible good or service do you draw the line?

The obvious answer is that there is no line and the use of tax dollars for subsidized, politically-connected developers is just a fact of life now in much of Missouri. That is repulsive.

A Note Of Praise To The House Health Insurance Committee

Word came yesterday afternoon that the Missouri House Health Insurance Committee has finally voted to send a key piece of legislation to the full House for consideration before the close of this year’s legislative session, which ends Friday. This is the same legislation — which the Missouri Senate already passed — that Christie Herrara and I wrote about in March which, if implemented, would block the unilateral implementation of the ObamaCare exchange in the state. I expect the referendum to pass swiftly through the lower chamber and for voters to approve the measure when the question is posed to them later this year.

The process was not without its share of drama, of course. The hearing for the bill before the House Committee was held at the end of March, leaving the bill with little margin for error to get the required votes done before the legislature adjourns. But whatever the reason for the delay, the committee deserves credit for getting the job done. On to the full House.

Laffer’s Important Lessons For Growth, And A Note About Missouri

Last month, Art Laffer and Stephen Moore wrote in the Wall Street Journal about how high taxation destroys economic growth. As they put it, “Liberal utopias are losing the race for capital. The rich, the middle-class, the ambitious and others are leaving workers’ paradises such as Hartford, Buffalo and Providence for Jacksonville, San Antonio and Knoxville.” And they note, as we have noted so many times, that taxes on income are some of the worst you can levy if you want to keep people and capital in your state.

In our new report Rich States, Poor States, prepared for the American Legislative Exchange Council, we compare the economic performance of states with no income tax to that of states with high rates. It’s like comparing Hong Kong with Greece or King Kong with fleas.

Every year for the past 40, the states without income taxes had faster output growth (measured on a decadal basis) than the states with the highest income taxes. In 1980, for example, there were 10 zero-income-tax states. Over the decade leading up to 1980, those states grew 32.3 percentage points faster than the 10 states with the highest tax rates. Job growth was also much higher in the zero-tax states. The states with the nine highest income tax rates had no net job growth at all, and seven of those nine managed to lose jobs.

There are many excellent analyses and anecdotes in Rich States, Poor States. From state-specific stats to broader policy discussions, RSPS serves as a fine starting point for assessing our states’ economic health.

But some RSPS history needs to be noted regarding the book’s specific discussion of Missouri’s “economic outlook” (RSPS‘s forward-looking metric). Laffer and Moore’s observations about states without income taxes bears repeating — they have grown significantly in contrast to other income tax-reliant states — but from the perspective of policymakers and legislators here, the view RSPS paints of the Show-Me State is starting to diverge from the book’s own backward-looking “economic performance” metric.

How has Missouri done according to RSPS‘s metrics over the book’s last five editions? Well, the state has risen to seventh from 25th of the 50 states in “economic outlook” over the last five years, even as its actual performance has languished by RSPS‘s standards around 40th (roughly consistent with BEA and BLS statistics).

rsps

As the chart shows, the disparity between “where Missouri is going” and “where Missouri has been” has never been greater. I think that is a problem with RSPS‘s “outlook” metric, not the policy Laffer and Moore advocated in the Wall Street Journal. More to the point, the state has continued to flail in growth, arguably in part because the state continues to cling to its income tax and tax credit system, rather than shifting to a more effective, and less destructive, taxing system that does not pick winners and losers and does not penalize income.

Unfortunately, that hugely important point could get clouded when people see Missouri’s “outlook” ranking, which only considers the impact of income taxes as fractional, evenly-weighted components among more than a dozen factors of varying real-life importance. Missourians across the ideological spectrum do not agree on much, but what they certainly do agree on is that Missouri’s economic status quo is unacceptable and is not improving. In substance, Laffer and Moore agree with that assessment, despite what RSPS‘s “outlook” metric suggests.

The pathway to state growth that Laffer and Moore articulate is a clear one; Missouri is lacking only the political will and leadership to take it over the finish line. The outlook for finding that sort of political leadership, unfortunately, is decidedly more mixed, and while it remains mixed, Missouri’s economic performance will continue to suffer.

Taxes And TIF In The Liberty School District

Soon, Tax Increment Financing (TIF) may claim another win. And when that happens, taxpayers can claim a loss. Kansas City officials are considering a TIF in the Liberty School District, less than a year after district residents voted down a 43-cent property tax increase. As I have pointed out, the Liberty superintendent claimed that previous TIF projects amplified the school’s need for a tax increase. It is safe to conclude that if the new TIF is approved, it will magnify the school district’s desire for a tax increase.

TIF allows developers to freeze taxes and invest any increase in property tax value that otherwise would go toward taxes into property development instead. Essentially, TIF costs taxing districts property tax revenue. For entities that do not rely heavily on property taxes, such as cities, TIF is not a big deal. But for taxing entities that rely heavily on property taxes, such as schools, TIF can be quite detrimental. If the TIF project in Kansas City moves forward, it could drive another vote for a property tax increase, and next time, the tax increase might not be rejected.

Tax Subsidies In Chesterfield

Quick, try to think of a community that needs tax subsidies even less than Ellisville (not that Ellisville needed subsidies)? How about Chesterfield, Ellisville’s northern neighbor. (They do not actually touch, so they are neighbors like Denmark and Sweden, or Lesotho and Swaziland.)

Two different groups want to build outlet malls (or something close to it) in Chesterfield. Both want a tax subsidy; one in the form of a Community Improvement District (CID) and one in the form of a Transportation Development District (TDD). Both allow the developer to install an additional sales tax with the shopping area. Whatever the initials, the subsidies are not necessary.

Chesterfield should act like the girl being courted instead of the wallflower. I am not one for recommending that city councils reject projects – I question whether city councils should have a right to do that in the first place. But as long as the two entities are asking for tax subsidies, and as long as the Chesterfield City Council needs to consider these projects in the first place (for zoning reasons, etc.), Chesterfield’s elected officials should refuse both of them until they agree to move forward without a CID or TDD.

The subsidies are a total joke. If there is a market for more shopping in West County, taxpayers do not need to support it. The Chesterfield City Council should hold off until one, or both, of these proposals moves forward without taxpayer assistance.

Lack Of Leadership From Schools Requires State-Level Policy Changes

In my study of Missouri school superintendent compensation, I noted that many superintendents are promoted up through the ranks of school teachers. Similarly, many school board members are former teachers.

This means that when school administrators and board members consider layoffs and teacher termination, many of them may have fresh memories of serving as a teacher. Many may also have friends who continue to serve as teachers in the district. As a result, people who consider layoff and termination decisions in Missouri’s school districts may consider the impact on teachers more carefully than the long-term impact on students.

Though Missouri law technically allows for teachers to be terminated on the basis of “incompetency,” we have shown here that districts rarely fire teachers. For example, the Parkway School District, which employs more than 1,200 teachers, has terminated just five in the past 10 years. Though state law is part of the problem, school leadership certainly plays a role.

Education expert Rick Hess writes about school administrator’s lack of leadership triggering similar teacher tenure reform efforts in Massachusetts. He writes:

Given the freedom to craft sensible, quality-sensitive evaluations that thoughtfully give some weight to seniority, the state’s school boards and superintendents have . . . punted.

Hess’ observation is likely relevant to Missouri. In our collection of teacher tenure data, we have also requested some districts’ termination policies. Frequently, those policies follow state law, with little added.

So, even though Missouri law states that teachers “shall be retained on the basis of performance-based evaluations and seniority . . .” during layoffs, districts can, in practice, choose to favor teachers who have seniority.

This is why a legislative fix is needed. Missouri House Bill 1526 would require that a teacher’s individual performance be the “most heavily weighted factor” when layoffs are considered. School districts, which receive a tremendous amount of state funding, should not be allowed to make decisions that favor teachers at the expense of students.

Individual performance shall be the most heavily weighted factor, at not less

15 than seventy percent, which shall include evidence of increased student achievement;
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