The Kansas City International Rehab Roller Coaster

The Kansas City Aviation Department often has attempted to justify its plan for a $1.2 billion terminal for Kansas City International Airport (MCI) by claiming that repairing the existing terminals would also be extremely expensive. The logic is that if both options will be expensive, the better option is a new terminal that cuts costs and brings in new revenue. We have often asked how much these repairs would cost and when they would be needed, as any comparative cost analysis requires those two pieces of information.

Perhaps in an overeager attempt to answer our questions, the Aviation Department has produced a plethora of cost estimates. In July, keeping the existing terminals supposedly was going to cost about $600 million, with little explanation of those costs. We questioned that number, stating:

KCAD has yet to release an independent analysis of the supposed $600 million improvement costs. But if history is any guide, it is inflating costs. The last renovation of MCI’s terminals took place from 2000 to 2004, and cost the airport $183.4 million . . .  The Aviation Department should explain why the new renovation would cost more than double the adjusted expense of the last.

Aside from criticizing the cost estimate, we also pointed out that it is unclear when these repairs are required.

However, by September of 2013, the price estimate of the airport increased, with a range from $645 million to $785 million. Again, we questioned the estimates, stating:

. . . as of a presentation on Sept. 10, the Aviation Department now claims the cost will be between $645 million and $785 million. A cursory inspection of these estimates prompts many questions, as the itemized repair costs are much larger than those for identical or similar items in the new terminal plan’s budget.

Again, there was no time estimate for these needed repairs.

In the last week, those estimates took a nosedive. The Aviation Department now claims that the repair costs are actually between $365 million and $460 million, a 43 percent decrease in the estimate. The department also stated those figures could be lower by a third if one of the terminals is mothballed. Of course, the estimate still prompts questions, like why the repairs to the central utility cost 25 percent more in the repair estimate than in the new terminal plan. The Aviation Department actually put a timeline on these repairs this time, to be completed in 2020. They also began discussing alternatives, such as a structure that centralizes security between the existing terminals.

The debate about the new terminal plan has already been underway for months. An Airport Terminal Advisory Group has met numerous times to make a recommendation to the Kansas City City Council. But with these new estimates, everyone will need to reconsider the cost of the new terminal plan. Moreover, the lack of consistency and transparency in the Aviation Department’s repair estimates mean no one can trust that these estimates are accurate or final.

Announcing New Case Study: Live Free and Learn

Over the course of the past year, I have spoken and written a lot about tax credit scholarships. When I do, I am often bombarded with questions. “Who would be eligible?” “How would this work?” “How much are the scholarships worth?” The questions go on and on. My response often is, “It depends.” Tax credit scholarship programs can be, and have been, designed in many different ways. Still, the Show-Me Institute wanted to give some concrete examples for Missourians to consider and to help answer some of the questions or concerns about tax credit scholarships. Therefore, we commissioned three case studies about tax credit scholarship programs in other states by some top experts. We will be releasing these case studies over the next few weeks.

Today, we are pleased to announce the release of “Live Free And Learn: A Case Study Of New Hampshire’s Scholarship Tax Credit Program,” by Jason Bedrick. Bedrick is a policy analyst at Cato Institute’s Center for Educational Freedom. Previously, he served as a legislator in the New Hampshire House of Representatives, a small state with the “fourth-largest English-speaking legislative body in the world.” After his time in office, he was instrumental in the passage of the Granite State’s tax credit scholarship program.

His paper describes the particulars of the New Hampshire scholarship program. It also provides data from the first survey of scholarship recipients. The survey indicates that most of the scholarship recipients were from low-income families. The tax credit scholarship allowed many students to attend private schools that they would not have been able to afford without the support that the program offered.

As you might imagine, parents who received a scholarship for their child tended to be very satisfied. In fact, “All of the scholarship recipients who attended a public school in the previous year reported greater satisfaction with their current school” (p. 19).

I encourage you to take a look at “Live Free And Learn.” And stay tuned for our next two tax credit scholarship case studies.

Marking-Up And The Funky Bunch

In last Saturday’s blog post regarding the disagreement between the Missouri governor and the legislature about state revenue estimates, I mentioned marking-up legislation. Marking-up basically means that members of a Missouri House committee are taking an introduced piece of legislation and amending it to fit their preferences (e.g., the Budget Committee and the Budget).

Usually, when crafting the budget, the House Budget Committee starts with the governor’s executive budget as introduced legislation. It then assigns these introduced bills to different appropriations committees depending on the department being funded. However, due to the disagreements about expected state revenues, the House is not doing that this year. Instead, the House is working off of last year’s budget and making changes based on that.

The House is doing this mainly for the sake of appearances. Representatives don’t want to be seen as cutting spending in popular areas such as education when compared to what the governor introduced in his budget. That’s understandable, but unnecessary. The House should fund education at the levels it believes are proper given the constraints that limited state revenues impose. If that happens to be less than what the governor suggests, then so be it. If it’s less than what was spent last year, that is fine as well. Don’t spend more just because you want to be seen as spending more.

The chairman of the House Budget Committee, Rep. Rick Stream, has asked appropriators to go line-by-line through the budget and find items to cut in order to free money for other, more important programs. The Show-Me Institute has highlighted several areas which appropriators could cut, such as ethanol subsidies. Hopefully, we can see some cuts to non-essential areas.

Creating a budget is arguably the most important task the legislature has every year. Being informed of how that process works is something worth knowing. The House really wants you to know that it plans to increase spending, just less than the governor does. Hopefully, representatives will get to a point where they can justify the spending levels they set, whether it is more or less than last year.

Paycheck Protection Bills Return To The Missouri Legislature

One of Americans’ most fundamental rights is the right to free speech. Unfortunately, that right often is undermined in the area of public employment. Many public employee unions not only collect dues for their representation, but they also collect them for political activity. Generally speaking, the presumption is that the employee supports the union’s politics, even though that’s not always the case.

Shouldn’t unions have to compete for their political dollars and donations like any other interest group? I think so. That’s why “paycheck protection” reforms are so important: they allow employees to opt in to paying for a union’s politics, rather than forcing them to opt out. The presumption, in other words, is that the employee’s political dollars are first and foremost the employee’s, not the union’s. That modest reform would re-balance the power of dues collection in favor of public employees rather than defaulting in favor of public unions.

The good news is that Missouri’s legislature passed a law last year that would have rectified the problem. The bad news is it was vetoed, and that veto wasn’t overridden during the special session.

But the (other) good news? Variations of that legislation are currently circulating in the Missouri House. HB 1093 and HB 1617 address the issue directly, requiring a separate consent form for dues to be collected and used for union political purposes. HB 1093 is particularly good in requiring an accounting of dues to ensure that dues earmarked for representation are not spent on politics. Without that verification mechanism, it would be difficult to determine whether the law is being followed and whether employees’ free speech rights are being upheld.

I will keep an eye on both of these bills; stay tuned.

The Kansas City Streetcar Advisory Panel Is Just For Show

The panel appointed to advise Kansas City Mayor Sly James about the best route for the southern extension of the streetcar met on Saturday morning, and many were skeptical. Of course, Kansas City voters have rejected similar rail efforts for years so this is no surprise.

Whatever the advisory group decides, however, is moot. That is because the city’s petition for the creation of a special taxing district and the increased sales and property taxes therein has already been submitted to a judge for consideration. Nothing this advisory panel does will change it, nor is any decision they reach binding upon the city. As the Kansas City Star published:

Kansas City Councilman Russ Johnson told the group: “We’ll do everything we can to incorporate the preferred alternative.”

Kansas Citians are being asked to commit to very specific and enforceable sales and property tax increases in return for a vague notion of where those rails will be laid; the city is not willing to commit to a specific route. In the petition to the court, the city spends about seven of 15 pages (pages 6 through 13) detailing how the taxes are to be assessed and collected. As for the route, that receives less than one page (page 4) of vague statements such as (emphasis added):

The Expansion Routes will connect to the Starter Line, and are expected to run generally along (i) Independence Avenue, east from the Starter Line, (ii) Linwood Boulevard and/or 31 and (iii) Main Street and/or the public right of way commonly referred to as the Country Club Right of Way or public streets in the vicinity thereof, south from the Starter Line, all as generally depicted on Exhibit D…

The petition does not even include the consideration of public input as to the route, its ending, or the placement of stations. Those will be decided by “further design and engineering.”

The specific Expansion Routes, their respective termini (which may be closer to or farther from any such Expansion Routes’ connection to the Starter Line) and the specific location of embark/disembark points, remain subject to refinement or alteration following further design and engineering;

For the sake of transparency — and an informed electorate — the City Council should have undertaken “further design and engineering” before convening an advisory board and submitted the petition to a judge. But they didn’t, and so the effort to seek citizen input is a tale told by streetcar supporters: “full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”

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