The Government Shouldn’t Mandate a “Living Wage”

On the last Monday of the legislative session, almost 90 people were arrested in downtown Jefferson City for blocking a street while protesting for economic and racial justice. The group identified itself as the Poor People’s Campaign, and one of its major goals is to raise the minimum wage. Its website states, “We demand the immediate implementation of federal and state living wage laws that are commensurate for the 21st century economy…”

Here at Show-Me Institute, we have written extensively about raising the minimum wage: how it increased unemployment and decreased hours worked in Washington D.C. and Seattle (here is a closer look at Seattle), how it would harm Kansas City workers, and why it actually hurts low-income and low-skilled workers the most. Let’s not forget how a “living wage”—usually pegged at $15/hour—would cost Missouri up to 218,000 jobs according to one study.

Moreover, the American Enterprise Institute put out a study just last month that showed how recent state minimum wage increases that were over a dollar decreased employment among low-skilled workers. Despite all of this evidence, there is still an initiative in Missouri to put a $12/hour minimum wage on the November ballot.

Wanting to improve the lives of poor Missourians is a noble goal, but there are better policies than mandating a higher minimum or “living” wage. For instance, implementing an earned income tax credit in Missouri and pursuing occupational licensing reform could open the door to higher incomes without negatively affecting employment. If organizations like the Poor People’s Campaign really want reforms that will help low-income Missourians, they should abandon the minimum wage and pursue more economically sound policies.

Research on School Choice Nets Prize for Economist

Somewhere, Milton Friedman is smiling. Last month the American Economic Association announced that Parag Pathak, an economist from MIT, is the recipient of the 2018 John Bates Clark Medal. Each year this award is given to the most impressive economists under forty. Historically, the winners—including Dr. Friedman—have had about a one in three chance of winning the Nobel Prize in Economics.

Over 65 years ago, Milton Friedman suggested that while the government should pay for every child to be educated, the government shouldn’t necessarily run the schools. Breaking the public school monopoly by allowing parents to choose their children’s school should lead to parents selecting the most effective schools. Low-performing schools would have to either improve or close.

Similarly, Dr. Pathak’s research has focused on finding smarter ways to allocate education resources. He has studied market design and how parents choose schools when they have to provide their top choices to a system that matches students to schools. Looking at students in Boston, he discovered that some students (and presumably their parents) are simply more sophisticated choosers than others, which makes them better at securing spots in the most-desired schools (even if sometimes the schools picked by the sophisticated choosers weren’t the best fit for them). This discovery led to a revision in the matching algorithm of the enrollment system so that it is now more difficult to game.

Dr. Pathak pursued similar work in New York City and in New Orleans. Overall, he found that improving the choice system can lead to better matching of students and schools. This better matching can, but doesn’t always, lead to improved outcomes for the students. Pathak has also contributed significantly to the growing body of evidence that urban charter schools can generate large achievement gains for low-income students of color.

Unfortunately, Dr. Friedman didn’t have a chance to study school choice systems after they were implemented. But his efforts have allowed others to pick up the torch, and results suggest that his hypotheses had merit. I look forward to learning more from Dr. Pathak.

Tourism: When Kansas City Is Not Kansas City

Eyebrows were raised at the claim by Kansas City’s tourism board, VisitKC, that Kansas City has over 25 million visitors each year. The skepticism is warranted. After all, Denver only claims to have had 16 million visitors in 2015. Is Kansas City really a bigger tourist draw?

The 25-million-visitor claim comes from the 2016 Tourism Economics report prepared for VisitKC by Longwoods International and the U.S. Travel Association. A copy of the report is available at the link at the bottom of this post. The study defines Kansas City as “a five county region in Kansas and Missouri—Johnson and Wyandotte in Kansas; Clay, Jackson, and Platte in Missouri.”

This means the 25 million visitors visited not only Kansas City, Missouri, but Kansas City, Kansas; Overland Park; Olathe; and Independence. It includes the Cabela’s at the Legends Outlet, which for a while was the number one tourism attraction in the entire state of Kansas, and since then has only added attractions such as Sporting KC’s stadium.

The report divides visitor spending by the five different counties, with Jackson County, the home of Kansas City (and Independence) receiving just under half. It is reasonable to conclude that only half of the 25 million visitors are coming to Jackson County—and even fewer may be visiting Kansas City proper. After all, the five-county area has a population of 1.8 million, while Kansas City has only 480,000.

For an administration that talks about dealing only in facts, the 25 million visitors claim is misleading at best. People are right to be skeptical of such big claims, and city leaders should do a better job of ensuring their accuracy.

Missouri Poised to Raise the Age

Today, the Missouri Senate passed Senate Bill 793, which the House passed earlier this week. With the Governor’s signature, the new law would make Missouri the 46th state to raise the age of criminal responsibility from 17 to 18 years old. As a result, 17-year-olds would be placed in the juvenile justice system unless they are certified as an adult by a judge because of their criminal history or nature of the crime.

Not only is this policy good for Missouri’s youth, it is also a more effective use of tax dollars. According to Dr. David Mitchell from Missouri State University, compared to teens who are incarcerated in adult prisons, teens that go through the juvenile system have better earning potential and are much less likely to return to crime. Embracing this policy is a step in the right direction for Missouri’s teens and communities. Congratulations to the General Assembly for a job well done.

The Time Is Right for Mandatory Minimum Reform

In a vote that was itself noteworthy, on May 1 the Missouri House voted unanimously, 148 to 0, to approve House Bill 1739, giving judges more discretion in applying mandatory minimum sentences. It is now before the Senate to pass and send to the governor.

I testified regarding how HB 1739 and its companion bill Senate Bill could benefit Missouri. The reform effort promises the possibility not only of saving taxpayer money, but of better protecting the individual liberty of Missourians in the criminal justice system. I hope the the Senate acts swiftly to make these reforms a reality.

The Most Unkindest Tax of All

We’ve written a great deal about the various forms of taxation in Missouri. Some taxes are too high, some may be too low, and some shouldn’t exist at all. But the most dastardly tax out there, unfair and regressive, is alive and well in Missouri’s cities: the tax on groceries.

The Tax Foundation reported last year that 32 states exempt food purchased for consumption at home from tax. It reports that six other states tax food at a lower rate,

Food sales tax rates in these states are as follows: Arkansas: 1.5 percent, Illinois: 1 percent, Missouri: 1.225 percent, Tennessee: 5 percent, Utah: 3 percent, and Virginia: 2.5 percent.

This is true but incomplete. The Missouri General Assembly did in fact reduce its sales tax on food, but local sales taxes are still collected on food and beverage purchases. In St. Louis’s Central West End, the tax rate on groceries adds up to 7.4 percent; in Kansas City’s Power & Light District it is 7.6 percent.

What makes this the most unkindest tax of all, as Shakespeare might say, is that it is regressive, meaning it weighs disproportionately on the poor as everyone must buy food. Because Kansas City and St. Louis charge additional sales taxes on top of the state rate, any intention by the General Assembly to spare low-income consumers this tax is undermined.

To make matters worse, both Kansas City and St. Louis charge a flat and regressive 1 percent earnings tax on every dollar earned. The earnings tax is levied on the first dollar earned, and there is no exemption for lower-income workers. Adding insult to injury, the earnings tax is not levied on types of income enjoyed by wealthier citizens such as investment income or retirement.

Kansas City and St. Louis have a large number of low-income residents. Unfortunately, the cities’ taxes only add to the problem. The first order of business for any city leader who wants to help low-income workers should be to take less of their money away from them.

A Drought of Our Own Making

Can we call a place a desert if we refuse to let water in? The Fordham Institute recently released an interesting look at which communities in the U.S. have a significant portion of low-income students but very few choices when it comes to their education. Fordham calls them “charter school deserts,” and they created interactive maps of each state with the deserts highlighted.

Sadly, these are easy to identify in Missouri. Just find the Census tracts where more than 20 percent of children live in poverty and circle them. The school choice spigot in Missouri is firmly turned off, with little hope that it will be turned on any time soon. The Missouri legislature has refused to transfer any power away from local school boards and into the hands of parents. As a result, students who live in areas of concentrated poverty around Springfield, in the southern part of the state, and in the bootheel have no options beyond their assigned public school. Going by the current laws governing charter schools, you would think that all the parents outside of St. Louis and Kansas City are perfectly satisfied with their children’s assigned public school.

In contrast, our two largest cities look more like charter school oases. Nearly half of all public school students in Kansas City and one-third of public school students in St. Louis attend a public charter school. Parents in these two cities aren’t unique in their desire for high-quality school options for their students—they’re just the only ones who can access them.

This week National Charter Schools Week is being celebrated across the country, including in those districts with at least 10 percent of their students in charter schools. One in five public school students in the U.S. attends school in one of those districts. In fact, every day nearly 3.2 million public school students head out the door to a public charter school. These schools expand public school options for parents across the country. Unfortunately, in Missouri we’ve chosen to reserve them as punishment for failing school districts and to leave everyone else thirsty.

Edward Glaeser to Discuss War on Work in St. Louis

Harvard economist and Manhattan Institute Senior Fellow Edward Glaeser will speak at St. Louis University on May 9. As part of the Show-Me Institute’s Speakers Series, Professor Glaeser will address what he describes as the great domestic crisis of the 21st century: “the flight from work” by prime-age men. 

While other unemployment statistics seem to be trending positively, 15 percent of men who should otherwise be working (according to historical standards) now “seem to have left the labor force permanently,” no longer even bothering to look for work. The consequences of these numbers go beyond their effect on national economic output; they threaten the national spirit.  The saying, “idle hands are the devil’s workshop” is backed by data, including a huge drop in happiness associated with unemployment. Research also links joblessness and disability with America’s deadly opioid epidemic.

Glaeser asserts that a governmental “war on work” is driving this problem.  He points to a series of programs incentivizing joblessness such as food stamps and housing voucher payments.

To solve this crisis, Glaeser argues that we must educate, reform social services, empower entrepreneurs, and even subsidize incentivize employment. That is an ambitious—but promising—agenda for ending the war on work before it consumes a generation of Americans.

I hope you can come hear him lay out that agenda on Wednesday, May 9 at St. Louis University. The lecture will begin at 6:00 p.m.

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