A Fundamental Shift is Happening in Education

Listen carefully. Do you hear that? It’s the ground shifting beneath the public education establishment. Families across the country are getting ready for back to school season, and they’ve had it with the inadequate plans being rolled out by their districts. They’re taking matters into their own hands. And I’m not just talking about the elite parents described in a New York Times article.

I was in the produce section of a grocery store in a fairly rural school district yesterday and overheard two grandmothers discussing what they are going to do. These ladies are the primary caregivers for their grandchildren—not uncommon in rural areas—and they were talking about joining a micro-school being set up by a teacher on their street. Or they may join a group of students that are going to meet at their church. These children from a small group of families will either have a Zootor (A Zoom tutor who facilitates virtual education as the in-person guide) or have a teacher provide instruction in person. Like so many in my nonscientific poll, they said that what the district provided last spring was absolutely terrible. Regardless of their resources, they’re going to figure out a solution that isn’t more of that.

Here is the problem: We have an epic disconnect between how education is funded and how it is being delivered this year. We have about 100,000 school buildings across this country that have been largely unused for the past six months and may or may not be used for the next six. Are we keeping the lights on in them? Are we keeping them cool enough for the minimal personnel still using them? Are we keeping the full staff of bus drivers and custodians? And, given that the answer to all of these questions is probably “yes,” are we then asking parents and primary caregivers to go out of pocket to get an education for their children that is supposed to be provided by their district? Are we willing to even discuss making changes to the collection of property taxes and the distribution of state education funds in this new reality?

One thing that I know to be true—when called, parents show up. Of course, there are far too many children stuck in horrific households and we all need to make sure that they have safe places to be. But on the whole, parents will go to great lengths for their children. The grace given to their school districts last spring is beginning to wear very thin. The daily uncertainty driven by overdue and underdefined reopening plans is causing parents to figure it out on their own or with their friends and neighbors.

The money conversation is sure to follow. While the keepers of the pre-pandemic status quo would like to hold their breath, wait for this to pass, and get back to the way things were, there have been too many fundamental changes in the delivery of public education for that to happen without resistance. A significant amount of power has shifted into parents’ hands and, like it or not, it won’t be long before parents start talking about a shift in funding methods.

It’s been clear to me for decades that parents want direct control of at least some public education dollars. But they’ve been facing an impenetrable wall of the public education establishment that dictates how things “must be done.” Parents are starting to get a peek over the wall, and I look forward to seeing how the rest of that story unfolds.

Let’s Get Real (Time Pricing)

Missouri’s electricity market does not include many free-market principles. Incorporating them has the potential to save customers money.

Electricity prices change as demand fluctuates throughout the day, but customers who pay fixed, per-kilowatt hour rates are shielded from those changes. This price shielding also means consumers don’t benefit from cost-conscious electricity use.

Many Missourians do have access to time of use rates through their utility, which do reflect market principles to a limited degree. Two or three different rates for electricity use are set based on demand at certain times of day. For instance, customers pay a higher set rate between 10 a.m. and 8 p.m. (since demand is higher) than they do during all other hours, yielding some benefits for cost-conscious consumers.

But since electricity prices change by the hour, could this time-sensitive pricing principle be extended further to yield even more consumer benefits? How would that work?

Utilities in many states offer customers “real-time pricing,” which grants residents the ability to pay market rates for electricity that change hourly based on demand. Transparent real-time prices allow customers to plan their electricity use and save money accordingly. For example, real-time pricing customers of ComEd, Illinois’ largest utility, saved an average of 15 percent on electricity supply charges between 2015 and 2018 compared to what they would have paid under a fixed-rate plan. Ameren Illinois’ real-time pricing customers also saved 10 percent during that same period.

Logistically, utilities offer websites publishing day-ahead hourly electricity prices for their customers, who are equipped with an advanced meter to measure their hourly electricity use. No cost estimates for implementing a real-time pricing program in Missouri exist, but the only equipment needed is a low-cost meter upgrade. Enrollees in Ameren Missouri’s time-of-use program pay a $1.50 fee per month to use an advanced meter. If this is any guide, costs incurred should be low and only charged to customers applying to the program.

Ultimately, while Missourians have access to a watered-down version of real-time pricing, introducing more market-based principles into electricity markets has the potential to bring more consumers benefits.

KCMO Vs KCK: Aaron Renn Joins the Show-Me Institute Podcast

On the most recent Show-Me Institute podcast, Dr. Susan Pendergrass is joined by Aaron Renn and Patrick Tuohey. They discuss Aaron’s recent paper published by the Institute. The report analyzes the economic conditions of Kansas City, Kansas versus Kansas City, Missouri.

Aaron Renn is an independent researcher and was formerly a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute.

Patrick Tuohey is currently a fellow at the Show-Me Institute, where he formerly served as director of municipal policy.

Listen to the podcast here: https://soundcloud.com/show-me-institute/smi-podcast-kcmo-vs-kck-aaron-renn-and-patrick-tuohey

Read the full report here: https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/employment-jobs/kansas-city-missouri-vs-kansas

Districts Denied Once Again

Unfortunately, it seems unlikely we’ll get reform for community improvement districts (CIDs) and transportation development districts (TDDs) this year. The governor has vetoed House Bill 1854, which passed the legislature earlier this year. There were a wide variety of measures in the bill (and not all were good), so I won’t speak to the bill in its entirety, but the section relating to CIDs and TDDs would have been a win for taxpayers.

As the process currently works, CIDs and TDDs are approved by a vote of only people within the proposed taxing district. This bill would have subjected CID and TDD approval to a vote of the people in the city in which the district is located. This would have solved one of the biggest problems with these taxing districts: Many are not subject to a broad-based, representative vote for approval. Some districts can even be approved by only a handful of property owners if the district is small enough, yet the costs are externalized to all taxpayers who spend within the district.

As Show-Me Institute researchers have mentioned before, special-taxing districts like these are on the rise. According to financial reports received by the Missouri State Auditor, there are 495 CIDs and 237 TDDs in Missouri. CIDs collected over $56 million and TDDs collected more than $73.5 million in 2018. Hundreds of districts are taking millions away from Missourians, and they may not have had a say in it.

The problems with CIDs and TDDs are clear, and lawmakers should act. There is still an opportunity to give taxpayers increased representation in a special legislative session, but it seems that for now, the problems with CIDs and TDDs will continue.

Call it What it is: Medicaid Expansion

Supporters of Medicaid expansion have long played loose with the facts of the program, and this year is no exception. Earlier this year, my colleague Elias Tsapelas scuttled the notion that Missouri would “save money” by expanding Medicaid. Expansion backers have now pivoted to an oldie-but-goodie talking point: that Missouri would be “bringing home” their tax dollars from Washington.

It was nonsense five years ago when they made the argument to the legislature, and it’s nonsense now.

I won’t republish my entire Forbes piece here, so click the link above if you’re interested in the original editorial. But plainly, the expansion does not operate like the public is now being told it does in TV ads.

  • There is no federal pot of money divvied among participants when other states don’t join the expansion. If only one state expanded Medicaid, that one state wouldn’t then receive the funding of the 49 non-participating states. It’d receive money for its program and no more.
  • Missouri already receives more in federal support than our federal contribution warrants. We rely more on federal money than most other states, and we’re already getting more than our “fair share” in federal cash even without expansion.
  • But perhaps most importantly, there are no “tax dollars” being “sent back” to any state, especially these days. We are in a period of extraordinary deficits, and that means every new dollar spent by the federal government is from debt, not from taxes paid.

Medicaid expansion is debt, plain and simple, and yet it will still require redirecting existing state money currently earmarked for education, public safety, infrastructure, and other priorities to feed the Medicaid program’s insatiable appetite.

It’s Medicaid expansion debt. Supporters should be honest with the public and call it what it is.

Missouri Medicaid Division Confirms Expansion Will Break Budget

Medicaid expansion was never going to be “free” for Missouri, and now we have even more evidence that expansion would be a catastrophe for the state’s budget. Recently, the Missouri House of Representatives Budget Committee met to discuss the fiscal implications of Medicaid expansion. Testimony delivered during the hearing reinforced what’s been obvious for a while now: The promised taxpayer savings from the Medicaid expansion proposal are fictional.

Nearly five months ago, I wrote about my concerns with the widely cited Washington University expansion model. Last week during testimony before the committee, the Missouri Department of Social Services (DSS) confirmed that my concerns were valid. DSS officials explained in no uncertain terms that it would be illegal to enroll disabled Missourians into the Medicaid expansion population. This means that currently disabled Missourians would only be eligible for the current lower matching rate for federal funds, instead of the much more generous matching federal rate for the expansion population. And as I outlined in February, without that assumption, there’s a billion-dollar hole in the Washington University model’s cost estimates.

DSS also released its own estimates for the budgetary impact of Medicaid expansion. The projections are based on Missouri’s current Medicaid costs, its economic conditions, and what is known about the state’s low-income population, and they show that expansion will cost more than $2.7 billion in total each year. The federal government will pay the majority of that $2.7 billion, but state taxpayers still pay federal taxes. In state general revenue spending, DSS estimates it will cost more than $167 million per year, which will amount to more than $870 million in state income and sales tax dollars between 2022 and 2026.

These estimates are a far cry from “savings,” which is especially important because these costs will come on top of the current Medicaid program’s growth. It is also important to understand why the Washington University expansion model varied so significantly from our own state Medicaid agency’s predictions. In the end, it comes down to a series of faulty assumptions.

Not only were the authors of the model wrong about what could be done with Missouri’s disabled population, but they also vastly underestimated the number of Missourians that would enroll in expansion and the associated cost of their care. Instead of roughly 230,000 newly eligible adults enrolling, DSS suggests the total will be closer to 286,000. And the monthly cost of each new enrollee will be more than $730 per month, as opposed to the Washington University assumption of $425.

With updated DSS numbers and corrected assumptions about disabled enrollment, the WashU model’s conclusion of a financial boon for Missouri is unattainable. Based on this new information, and given the severity of our state’s current economic downturn, it’s time to stop pretending Medicaid expansion will not break Missouri’s budget.

It’s Time to Make Net Metering a Net Positive

Net metering is a popular program that allows rooftop solar panel owners to sell extra electricity they generate back to their utility to offset their bill. However, as I wrote recently, net metering customers are routinely overcompensated for their electricity. This makes net metering a costly program for an expensive technology that benefits the wealthy at everyone else’s expense.

So how do we fix this? The key is to level the playing field. This could be achieved by altering net metering customers’ compensation rates and opening retail electricity markets for competition.

For those wanting a closer look, I address this in more detail in a recent op-ed for Real Clear Energy.

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