The new state law creates three types of counties for property taxes:

1)        Five percent counties: These counties are made up primarily of Missouri’s smaller, rural counties. In these counties, upon local voter approval, a homeowner’s property tax liability can go up by no more than the lower of five percent or the national inflation rate during reassessment, unless voters approve tax rate increases or the homeowner improves their property. There are 75 counties in this category.

2)         Zero percent counties: These counties are made up primarily of mid-sized and suburban Missouri counties. In these counties, upon local voter approval, a homeowner’s property tax liability cannot increase at all during reassessment unless voters approve tax rate increases or the homeowner improves their property. There are 22 different listings for counties in this category.

3)         “Unaffected” counties (my term, not language from the bill): These counties are primarily Missouri’s large urban counties or counties in central Missouri, including the Lake of the Ozarks area. These 17 counties and the City of St. Louis are not included in this legislation and their tax and reassessment system will continue unchanged. It is worth noting that Jackson County, which has had by far the worst administration of assessment and tax collection in recent years of any Missouri county, is unaffected.

There are many reasons why these substantial changes to the system are bad, but the first one is that, in general, property taxes are the least harmful tax for economic growth. So, if you want to create a tax system that encourages greater economic opportunity for all Missourians, the property tax is the last tax you should focus on. Furthermore, these changes will almost certainly lead to greater governmental reliance on income taxes (mostly through the state’s foundation formula for school funding), which is exactly the wrong way to go about this.

Here is a chart I like to share. It includes four major economic studies of tax policy. The conclusions are obvious. Property taxes, in general, are the least harmful for economic growth and income taxes are the most harmful. Why Missouri would be severely limiting property taxes in many counties in a manner that will increase dependency on income taxes is beyond me. It may make for good politics. It is not good tax or economic policy.

Not all property taxes are the same, of course. Property taxes focused on the value of the land are the best, and we need to expand that (i.e., land taxation) in Missouri. Property taxes focused on homes and buildings are next best. Missouri makes heavy use of personal property taxes on cars, boats, etc., and those taxes on mobile assets are less beneficial and should be phased out. Finally, personal property taxes on business and farm equipment are harmful, and should be ended. (The final category makes up a very small part of the property tax base, so ending it would not be difficult.)

Future posts will discuss the constitutional problems with this bill, the harmful effects of favoring current homeowners over future homeowners, a discussion of Charles Tiebout and his theories, and more. For more information, please see my testimony from the special session, these policy studies on this issue of property taxes and assessments, and related commentaries.

The post Why the New Property Tax Rules in Missouri Are Bad, Part 1 appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Taxes are going down, right? That’s a good thing, right? My answers are “yes,” and a hesitant “maybe?”

I like low taxes, but I like low taxes evenly spread out for everyone. How we tax is almost as important as how much we tax. Whether they are income, property, or sales taxes, and whether they are at the national, state, or local government level, too often lately we are cutting taxes for some people in some instances for some things. These highly targeted cuts might work out overall, but often they are done because they make good politics, not good public policy. Taxes should be broadly based for several reasons, including fairness, certainty, and administrative ease. This is the opposite of what is happening.

Congress seems likely to pass changes to federal income tax rules that would exempt income from tips and overtime from taxation. This is absurd. The airport skycap who works a 50-hour week should be admired for his hard work, but his tax treatment should not be any different from that of the woman processing tickets behind the airline counter for 40 hours per week. This proposal treats things that are, essentially the same—regular, tipped, and overtime wages—as entirely different things for taxes. That’s a dangerous road to travel.

Staying in the same realm, one of the most hotly contested items in the ongoing federal tax debate is whether to raise the state and local tax (SALT) deduction. Currently, the SALT cap is $10,000 per household. This means that you can deduct state income taxes, local property taxes, etc., up to $10,000 from your federal income taxes. Currently, congressmen from higher-tax states are fighting to significantly increase the SALT deduction cap. The latest number is $40,000. That means that high-tax states would be able to continue increasing taxes knowing that their taxpayers would in part be subsidized by other federal taxpayers. California (or any high-tax state) would get to keep the tax money, and Missouri taxpayers would get to subsidize California taxes. This is preposterous.

The same things are happening locally in Missouri. A few years ago, legislation was passed allowing counties to freeze the property taxes of senior citizens. Scores of counties in Missouri have since done so. As a result, the wealthiest sector of the population gets its property taxes frozen upon turning 62. Younger families working and raising kids will see their taxes continue to rise, and those taxes will almost certainly rise more than they otherwise would have without the senior tax freeze. This is insane.

Another example includes Missouri’s sales tax rules. The legislature passed a law removing sales taxes from diapers and feminine hygiene products. We can all sympathize with the aim here. But adding more products to the sales tax exemption list will increase pressure to raise sales tax rates (or institute entirely new sales taxes) on the other products that are still taxed. Your diapers will have cost less due to reduced taxes, but your infant’s clothes will cost a little more with the new sales taxes on them.

Each of these targeted tax changes will have unseen, harmful effects. High-tax states will continue to get away with tax increases if the SALT deduction is raised. More workers will see their pay come via high-pressure “tips” instead of typical wages. Seniors will avoid beneficial downsizing simply for tax purposes. As fewer goods are subject to regular sales taxes, new special taxing district sales taxes will be added onto everything else. These targeted taxes will likely succeed for purposes of short-term politics, but they are going to fail by any longer-term fiscal measure.

Is there anything going right with tax policy? Sure. Keeping the federal tax rates from rising by passing those parts of the “big, beautiful bill” will benefit everyone, although the entire plan needs further spending cuts. In Missouri, the state income tax rate has been steadily coming down for everyone over the past decade as revenue targets are hit. Finally, the sales tax base has been broadened by taxing online sales and legal marijuana in the past few years. All of those moves are consistent with good tax policy.

If you are a wealthy California homeowner over 62 who still works for tips on overtime while buying diapers online for your Missouri grandkids, you may benefit from all of these changes. But if you are like most people you will benefit from maybe one while being hurt by the others. Of course, the one you benefit from will be clear and obvious, while the multiple ways you are harmed will be small and harder to detect. You will think you’re a winner in this game of tax politics. But in reality, you won’t be, and neither will the government’s fiscal condition.

The post The Wrong Direction on Tax Policy appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

What’s Happening in Jefferson City?

Get the inside scoop on the Missouri legislative session and policies that could directly impact the lives of Missourians at the Show-Me Institute’s Insider’s Hour! Join CEO Brenda Talent, Director of State Budget and Fiscal Policy Elias Tsapelas, and Senior Fellow Patrick Tuohey for a discussion on tax and education policy and the latest efforts to improve government efficiency.

Wednesday, March 26

Carriage Club

5301 State Line Road

Kansas City, MO 64112

Doors open: 4:30 p.m.

Discussion and Q&A: 5:15 – 6:00 p.m.

Ticket Price: $20.00 (includes light snacks and beverages)

Get your Tickets Here

The post March 26: Insider’s Hour in Kansas City appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Several years ago, my colleagues and I were debating what the worst possible tax policy change could be. We settled on “exempting lottery winnings from income taxes.” While it may not be quite that bad, the ongoing effort to exempt senior citizens from property tax increases around the state are a similarly misguided attempt at tax reform that will have harmful effects on the counties where it becomes law. This includes Greene County, which passed the plan in 2023, and may include Stone (the county question) and Webster (Proposition 1) counties, each of which has the proposal on the November ballot.

State legislation passed in 2023 and amended in 2024 authorized any county to freeze the real property taxes of the primary homes for senior citizens who meet certain qualifications. Their property taxes would stay at the same amount they were when they become eligible for the plan, which for most people would be when they turn 62. The purpose of the bill is to help senior citizens stay in their homes as they age, but there are several major problems with this proposal.

This proposal is harmful simply because it reduces the property tax base. A major tenet of good tax policy is that the base should be as broad as possible so that the necessary rate can be as low as possible. Unless local governments cut services in response to the enactment of a tax freeze for seniors, it will almost certainly lead to higher tax rates on those property owners not eligible for the freeze. A senior tax freeze is every bit as much of a tax increase on non–senior citizens as it is tax relief for some senior citizens.

People who live in homes of similar value with similar public services should pay similar property taxes. The young couple who has lived in their Marshfield home for a year should not pay higher property taxes than their neighbor just because their neighbor has lived there for two decades.

Passage of this bill would also lead to the problematic situation in which people vote on property tax increases that they themselves will not personally pay. In Stone County, the Village of Indian Point has a sizable property tax increase also on the November ballot. Indian Point seniors can vote for the proposition knowing that they may not have to pay the increased taxes if the tax freeze also passes. That’s not good government. The single best aspect of property taxation is that it imposes the costs of local services on the people who use those services, unlike sales or local income taxes that are exported in part to visitors, commuters, and others. Instituting a system in which people vote on property taxes they won’t pay breaks that beneficial connection.

For a cautionary tale about the dangers of property tax subsidies and alterations, consider California’s infamous Proposition 13, which was passed in 1978. Prop 13 limited the increases in property assessments and taxes for homeowners. The measure has certainly had its intended effect of keeping property taxes low for longtime California homeowners. However, it has also reduced mobility, dramatically increased alternative taxes, limited homeownership opportunities, and caused substantial tax disparities between similar properties. This is not what the people of Southwest Missouri need.

According to data from the Federal Reserve, people aged 65 to 74 have the highest net worth of any age group. So why, if we were to pick any age group for tax exemption, would we pick the wealthiest among us? (People over 75 have less wealth than those 65–74 or 55–64, but they have a higher net worth than any age grouping under 55.) We shouldn’t be handing out property tax exemptions to anyone, whether those exemptions take the form of corporate subsidies, developer abatements, or senior citizen tax freezes.

While passage of these propositions in Stone and Webster counties would benefit some senior citizens, it would alter the property tax and assessment system in a myriad of harmful and biased ways. Property taxes work best when the assessments are accurate, the base is wide, and the rates are low. Senior property tax freezes do not move Stone County or Webster County in that direction.

The post Senior Citizen Property Tax Freezes in Stone and Webster Counties Are Not Sound Public Policy appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

For purposes of comparison, e-commerce now makes up over 15 percent of total sales in the United States. For municipalities around Missouri, 15 percent is a lot of sales not to tax. While many cities and counties have already adopted use taxes in recent years, there are many more proposing new use taxes on the April 2 ballot. The list includes Pleasant Hill, Centralia, Hallsville, Cool Valley, and the constant requesters in Raymore, Northwoods, and Velda City. (Feel free to notify me of others.)

It is a central tenet of tax policy that a tax base should be as broad as possible. The more expansive the tax base, the lower the rate that must be imposed to fund the functions of government. Raymore, for example, estimates it will receive $1.8 million per year from the proposed use tax. (It should be noted that Raymore has asked its citizens to approve a use tax in 2021 and 2022, both of which were rejected by voters. Raymore is a perfect example of why we need HB 2058 to pass, but I digress.)

Raymore has stated that it intends to use the use tax revenues for police, public works, highway maintenance, and park maintenance. Those are all reasonable uses, of course, but use taxes should not be approved simply to grow municipal government revenues. The use tax could be approved by voters to responsibly expand the tax base and equalize the competition between online and physical stores, but cities should also offset the increased taxes by lowering other, more harmful taxes. Imposing a use tax in a revenue-neutral manner is not a new idea. It is exactly how the Missouri Legislature addressed this issue with the state’s new use tax law in 2021.

The simplest way for these cities to offset the revenue increases from the use tax would be to lower city property taxes slightly. That would lead to a wider tax base, fairer competition between businesses, and lower tax rates for all taxpayers. Raymore’s property tax rate of 1.2447 per $100 of assessed value is very high compared to other cities that don’t have a fire department. (Raymore is served by an independent fire district.) Lowering that rate would be a good way to offset, at least in part, the new tax increases. Reducing the various municipal utility tax rates—especially for cities with already low property taxes—could also be a good exchange.

The imposition of a use tax in these cities could be a positive policy change. It could also be an easy way for politicians to just raise taxes one more time. By having city officials pledge to enact offsetting revenue reductions, these Missouri municipalities can reap the public benefits while curtailing the tax impact on residents and businesses. That is a plan that I think most taxpayers and voters could support. Without such a commitment, though, the use tax is just another tax increase.

The post Use Taxes on the Ballot Again in Missouri appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

My general position on taxation has always been about maximizing growth, and specifically moving from income taxes to the least destructive tax for growth—the property tax. That does not mean, however, that I am unaware of or unsympathetic to alternative considerations that could be reasonably offered.

• Property taxes are the least destructive tax for promoting growth, but other objectives beyond “growth” do enter the calculus for policymakers. Is it “fair” for a taxpayer who owns property to get a tax benefit, but not a taxpayer who rents? Are real property taxes problematic in the same way personal property taxes are, or are they completely different policy issues? Like most things in life, tax policy is not a one-dimensional issue; stipulating to that reality is appropriate, even as I support reforms that stoke growth, against possible alterative priorities.
• From a practical perspective, it also isn’t great if seniors on fixed incomes find themselves unable to make their property tax payments if a massive assessment adjustment, like what we’re seeing in Jackson County, makes staying in their longtime homes fiscally impossible.

All that said, cutting the state and local tax base to ribbons, whether on a permanent or temporary basis, is a precarious proposition precisely for the very reason David highlights: unless government spending falls as tax exceptions are made, the cost of government will inevitably fall to the rest of the taxpayers.

And speaking of . . .

Missourians shopping for school supplies, clothes and computers during the state’s tax-free weekend Aug. 4-6 can save up to 5% more than in previous years.

A 2021 Missouri law taking effect this year prevents all cities, counties and special tax districts from charging local sales taxes during the back-to-school weekend.

Tax holiday shoppers have been exempt from the state sales tax of 4.225% since 2004, but many municipalities still charged local sales taxes. With local sales taxes eliminated, this year, shoppers will save up to 9%.

I would love to say that the sales tax holiday for school supplies is a net good for the state and families, but as The Tax Foundation notes:

While sales tax holidays have been politically popular for a long time, they have seen a boost this year as lawmakers look for ways to share surplus funds with taxpayers who are struggling to afford goods and services amid high inflation. But however well-intended they may be, sales tax holidays remain the same as they always have been—ineffective and inefficient. [emphasis mine]

Sales tax holidays have been and always will be dubious tools for promoting reasonable public policy objectives—they simply shift consumer spending patterns instead of changing them and are often used to promote illusory economic development benefits. As with tax credits on income taxes and tax abatements on property taxes, carving up the sales tax base with “tax holidays” can have similarly unintended consequences, even if the policy is good politics and good intentioned. But as with the senior property tax carveout, even a good intentioned sales tax holiday is bad policy.

The post “Tax-Free Weekend” Underscores Importance of Sound, Stable and Uniform Tax Policies appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Use taxes in Missouri are simply sales taxes on goods delivered to your home from out-of-state sellers. Local governments have been authorized to collect use taxes for a long time—predating the internet, even—but they have not been widely adopted. Collecting sales taxes on a family’s Sears catalog purchases in St. Louis was a lot of work for little revenue. The internet has changed that. The Supreme Court decision in the “Wayfair” case, changes to state legislation in 2021, and, most obviously, the tremendous increase in e-commerce during the pandemic, have all combined to greatly increase the need or desire (depending on your point of view) for governments to tax online sales.

For purposes of comparison, e-commerce now makes up over 14% of total sales in the United States according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. For cities in St. Louis County, 14% is a lot of sales not to tax. To address that, several St. Louis County municipalities (Chesterfield, Town and County, Fenton, Maryland Heights, Velda City, Flordell Hills, and Northwoods) have placed a use tax on the April 4, 2023, ballot. In many of these municipalities, use taxes have been proposed and failed previously. However, a lot has changed in e-commerce in recent years, and it may be time for voters to revisit the issue. (Although for cities like Chesterfield and Fenton, where voters rejected the use tax less than a year ago, asking again in the manner of a spurned yet persistent suiter is unseemly.)

Expanding the tax base with a use tax, if done in conjunction with a reduction of other, more harmful taxes, could be a beneficial change for cities in St. Louis County. But let’s be clear: if there is no corresponding reduction in other taxes, this is a tax increase on residents.

Flordell Hills is a particularly intriguing decision. I’m curious to see if voters will trust city government with more tax money after two city officials were recently convicted of stealing over $600,000 in city funds—a substantial portion of the annual budget. Fool me once . . .

It is a central tenet of tax policy that a tax base should be as broad as possible. The more expansive the tax base, the lower the rate that must be imposed to fund the functions of government. Exact use-tax revenue amounts are hard to predict, but Maryland Heights, to give one example, previously estimated it would receive about $2 million per year if a use tax is enacted. The use tax could be approved by voters to responsibly expand the tax base and equalize the competition between online and physical stores, but it should not be approved simply to grow municipal government revenues. Imposing a use tax in a revenue-neutral manner is not new idea. It is exactly how the Missouri legislature addressed this issue with the state’s new use tax law in 2021.

For the cities in St. Louis County proposing to impose their own use taxes, the simplest way for them to offset the revenue increases from the use tax would be to lower their property taxes in a revenue-neutral manner. That would lead to a wider tax base, fairer competition between businesses, and lower rates for taxpayers. Other options for various cities if the use tax is approved include eliminating more harmful taxes or fees. Reducing the local utility tax rate would be another good exchange for cities that do not levy property taxes, such as Chesterfield.

The imposition of a use tax in these St. Louis County cities could be a positive policy change. It could also be an easy way for politicians to just raise taxes one more time. By having various city officials pledge to enact offsetting revenue reductions that embrace the positive aspects of the use tax, these municipalities can amplify the public benefits while curtailing the tax impact on residents and businesses. That is a plan I think most taxpayers and voters could support. Without such a commitment, though, the use tax is just another tax increase.

The post St. Louis County Municipal Use Taxes Should Expand the Tax Base, Not the Size of Government appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Missouri’s economy has lagged much of country over the past decade. And for more than twenty years, Missouri has been a national leader in awarding tax credits for private gain in the name of “economic development.” If issuing tax credits were a good way to spur growth, our state would have one of the fastest-growing economies in the country. But it’s not, so we don’t.

Unfortunately, despite years of evidence that economic development tax credits don’t work, state policymakers appear to be doubling down on this wrongheaded approach. After more than a decade dormant, Missouri’s film tax credit is on the path to returning. The Senate approved a bill rebooting the program, and a House committee recently voted out a separate measure including the credit. All of this for a program that was so bad our elected officials got rid of it in 2013.

Countless reports, studies, and audits reached the same conclusion: the program is a horrible investment. It serves too narrow of an industry to help grow a state’s economy. Much of the credit’s benefit goes to out-of-state companies and workers. And further, the tax credits do not generate sufficient tax revenues to justify the subsidy. While it is true that many other states currently offer some form of film subsidy, that is not an excuse for Missouri to rejoin this race to the bottom.

As we enter the second half of this year’s legislative session, there’s still time for our elected officials to reverse course. It’s understandable that policymakers would be interested in finding policies that would help get Missouri’s economy back on the right track, but government picking winners and losers isn’t the way to do that.

In fact, turning around Missouri’s economy doesn’t have to be as difficult as our elected officials are making it seem. If taxes are too high for the film industry to consider Missouri, instead of subsidizing Hollywood, policymakers should focus on lowering the tax burden for all Missourians. At the very least, our elected officials need to stop advancing policies that we already know don’t work. Bringing back the film tax credit is not just a bad idea—it’s an insane one.

The post Tax Credit Insanity appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Expanding the tax base makes for good tax policy, and equalizing the tax difference between competitors is also good policy. There is no reason that a hotel should have its guests pay one tax rate while Vrbo guests pay a lower rate. The time period of any theoretical “infant industry” argument is long past. The short-term rental industry is a major part of tourism and hospitality, and it should be treated the same as standard hotels for sales tax purposes.

Of course, I would like to see an expansion of the hotel tax base combined with lowering the tax rate, but saving money for tourists probably isn’t the top priority for local officials. I’ll have to be content with the hope that increased revenue from expanding the hotel tax base will remove pressure to raise the hotel tax rates in the future.

Like marijuana taxes and use taxes, hotel tax expansion can offer a method for new municipal tax revenues in an economically sound fashion. However, cities should not just use these new revenue sources to simply get and spend more money. They can also be used to replace other, more economically harmful taxes. These include local earnings taxes, high commercial property taxes, the ridiculous “economic development” sales tax, and personal property taxes on business equipment. (I am well aware that hotel taxes are usually dedicated to tourism promotion and not as readily exchangeable as use or marijuana taxes, but that is a choice that cities make [and a defensible one], not some order delivered via lightning bolt by Zeus himself that the cities can’t change if they wanted to.)

That would be a trade-off that would truly benefit cities in Missouri.

The post Short-Term Rentals, Long-Term Taxes appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

The post Commercial Surcharges appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

The 2023 Blueprint: Moving Missouri Forward presents 16 policy ideas aimed at moving Missouri forward to a brighter future. The Blueprint covers a broad range of issues—from education to health care, from occupational licensing to corporate welfare, and from tax policy to government transparency. Our expert policy team has thoroughly researched and analyzed the problems facing our state today, and their work informs the policy solutions that follow. We believe that with the right policies Missouri could lead the nation in wealth, quality education, and a vibrant and flourishing civil society.

Click here to download a .pdf file of the document, or click here to read it online.

The post 2023 Missouri Blueprint: Moving Missouri Forward appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

For purposes of comparison, e-commerce now makes up over 12% of total sales in the United States according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. For cities and counties in Missouri, 12% is a lot of sales not to tax. To address that, at least four counties and dozens of cities have placed use taxes on the April 5, 2022, ballot. Expanding the tax base with a use tax, if done in conjunction with a reduction of other, more harmful taxes, could be a beneficial change. But let’s be clear: if there is no corresponding reduction in other taxes, this is a tax increase on residents.

It is a central tenet of tax policy that a tax base should be as broad as possible. The more expansive the tax base, the lower the rate that must be imposed to fund the functions of government. Exact use tax revenue amounts are hard to predict, but the revenues for each city will not be insignificant. Local governments have received federal COVID-relief and stimulus funds, home values have risen substantially, and tax collections during the pandemic were not down as much as initially feared. As a result, many of these cities and counties do not need this new tax revenue to meet vital needs. The use tax could be approved by voters to responsibly expand the tax base and equalize the competition between online and physical stores, but it should not be approved simply to grow government revenues. Imposing a use tax in a revenue-neutral manner is not a new idea. It is exactly how the Missouri Legislature addressed this issue with the state’s new use tax law in 2021. St. Francois County officials have publicly stated they will lower their county property tax if the use tax is approved.

For cities and counties in Missouri proposing to impose their own use taxes, the simplest way for them to offset the revenue increases from the use tax would be to lower their property taxes in a revenue-neutral manner. Other options for various local governments if the use taxes are approved include eliminating more harmful taxes, such as the paradoxical local sales tax for economic development. Reducing the local utility tax rates would be another good exchange for cities that do not levy property taxes.

The imposition of a use tax for these Missouri cities and counties could be a positive policy change. It could also be an easy way for politicians to just raise taxes one more time. By having various city officials pledge to enact offsetting revenue reductions, local officials can amplify the public benefits while curtailing the tax impact on residents and businesses. That is a plan I think most taxpayers and voters could support. Without such a commitment, though, the use tax is just another tax increase.

The post Missouri Use Taxes Should Expand the Tax Base, Not the Size of Government appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Thanks to recent changes in state and federal law, local use taxes have become topical in Missouri. Many Missouri cities and counties have them on the ballot on April 5.

With offsetting rate cuts, use taxes are a positive policy change for Missouri. Without them, they are just another tax increase.

Missouri Use Taxes Should Expand the Tax Base, Not the Size of Government

Use taxes in Missouri are simply sales taxes on goods delivered to your home from out-of-state sellers. Local governments have been authorized to collect use taxes for a long time—predating the internet, even—but they have not been widely adopted. Collecting sales taxes on Sears catalog purchases was a lot of work for little revenue. The internet has changed that. The recent Supreme Court decision in the “Wayfair” case, changes to state legislation, and, most obviously, the tremendous increase in e-commerce during the pandemic have all combined to greatly increase the need or desire for governments to tax online sales.

For purposes of comparison, e-commerce now makes up over 12% of total sales in the United States according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. For cities and counties in Missouri, 12% is a lot of sales not to tax. To address that, at least four counties and dozens of cities have placed use taxes on the April 5, 2022, ballot. Expanding the tax base with a use tax, if done in conjunction with a reduction of other, more harmful taxes, could be a beneficial change. But let’s be clear: if there is no corresponding reduction in other taxes, this is a tax increase on residents.

It is a central tenet of tax policy that a tax base should be as broad as possible. The more expansive the tax base, the lower the rate that must be imposed to fund the functions of government. Exact use tax revenue amounts are hard to predict, but the revenues for each city will not be insignificant. Local governments have received federal COVID-relief and stimulus funds, home values have risen substantially, and tax collections during the pandemic were not down as much as initially feared. As a result, many of these cities and counties do not need this new tax revenue to meet vital needs. The use tax could be approved by voters to responsibly expand the tax base and equalize the competition between online and physical stores, but it should not be approved simply to grow government revenues. Imposing a use tax in a revenue-neutral manner is not a new idea. It is exactly how the Missouri Legislature addressed this issue with the state’s new use tax law in 2021. St. Francois County officials have publicly stated they will lower their county property tax if the use tax is approved.

For cities and counties in Missouri proposing to impose their own use taxes, the simplest way for them to offset the revenue increases from the use tax would be to lower their property taxes in a revenue-neutral manner. Other options for various local governments if the use taxes are approved include eliminating more harmful taxes, such as the paradoxical local sales tax for economic development. Reducing the local utility tax rates would be another good exchange for cities that do not levy property taxes.

The imposition of a use tax for these Missouri cities and counties could be a positive policy change. It could also be an easy way for politicians to just raise taxes one more time. By having various city officials pledge to enact offsetting revenue reductions, local officials can amplify the public benefits while curtailing the tax impact on residents and businesses. That is a plan I think most taxpayers and voters could support. Without such a commitment, though, the use tax is just another tax increase.

The post Missourians to Vote on New Use Taxes appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Most cities in the United States, including most large cities, do not have any form of local income tax. As of 2019, there are only 17 states with local income tax jurisdictions and only 19 of the country’s 100 most populous cities have some form of local income tax. This means that thousands of cities (including comparable large cities such as Chicago, Omaha, and Nashville) have a lower earnings tax than St. Louis city—their earnings tax is 0 percent!

Even if we’re just looking at the jurisdictions with local income taxes, St. Louis still doesn’t have the lowest rate. Many jurisdictions in Indiana, Kentucky, and Ohio have rates below 1 percent. In Colorado, Aurora, Greenwood Village, and Sheridan have monthly local income taxes of $3.00 or less on those that make over $500 per month, which is a 0.6 percent local income tax at most. Clearly, St. Louis does not have the lowest rate among local income taxes.

Objectively, 1 percent is not all that high, and a few large cities with local income taxes have slightly higher rates. But the earnings taxes in St. Louis City and Kansas City are certainly not the lowest in the country and they are definitely not negligibly low. The additional 1 percent that Kansas City and St. Louis city residents and workers pay creates real negative effects for these cities. The local income tax in Missouri’s two largest cities is higher than those in hundreds of other cities in Missouri and thousands of cities across the country, making our largest cities less competitive while also taking money away from our hard-working citizens. That’s not a false claim.

The post St. Louis City’s Earnings Tax Is Not the Lowest in the Country appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Download the 2021 Missouri Blueprint Here

The post 2021 Missouri Blueprint: Moving Missouri Forward appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

The quotation above is from Aaron Hedlund’s new report, an exploration of what happens when tax rates change. Among the findings:

• The effect of tax policy on the size of the tax base can be as important as the actual tax rate.
• Looking only at the impact of taxes on the incentives of primary earners yields can lead to misleading projections about the revenue a tax hike will generate; a household’s secondary income earners, as well as those considering entrepreneurship or investments in their own human capital, can be more sensitive to tax rate changes than primary earners.

Click on the link below to read the entire essay.

The post Report: How Do Tax-rate Changes Impact Revenues appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

In the June 2018 South Dakota vs Wayfair decision, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned what was essentially a “physical presence” rule for requiring a seller to collect a sales  tax in the United States. That means states can now impose a sales tax collection responsibility on internet retailers even if they don’t have property or employees in the state.

Some assume large companies will be most affected by this change, but many big companies have a physical presence in the states they do business, so they already collect and remit sales taxes. For example, Amazon has a warehouse in Missouri and collects taxes on its sales in the state accordingly. This means that those likely to be most affected by a new collection responsibility are smaller Internet retailers based outside of Missouri.

In the Wayfair majority opinion, Justice Kennedy claimed the physical presence rule “has prevented market participants from competing on an even playing field.” This may be true, but policymakers should consider how a tax increase could affect Missourians. Internet sales taxes aren’t paid by retailers; they’ll be paid by Missouri taxpayers. The costs of “evening the playing field” through tax policy have to be paid by someone, and it’s almost always consumers that have to pick up the bill. This could add to an already-high sales tax burden for Missourians.

A bill introduced last year that would have implemented an Internet sales tax made some progress in the legislature, but the legislative session ended before any real action could be taken.  It’s a good bet that this issue will come up again in 2020. Missourians interested in tax policy should monitor the debate closely, as a new law implementing an Internet sales tax could have big ramifications for our state.

The post Hoping for the Best with the Internet Sales Tax appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Baltimore’s population has been steadily declining in the past few years. It stands at about 610,000 today—down from 620,000 in 2010 and 650,000 in 2000—and its height of 950,000 people in 1950. Like Kansas City and St. Louis, it has struggled with a high homicide rates, coming in second behind St. Louis in 2017 and ahead of fifth-ranked Kansas City. Like Kansas City’s moniker ‘Killa City,’ Baltimore’s homicide rate earned it the nickname ‘Bodymore, Murderland.’ Baltimore students are some of the worst served in the country.

No one can accuse Baltimore of doing nothing to reverse its fortunes. In fact, Baltimore seems to have done everything that developers and urban planners recommend. Consider the following amenities paid for in part with city and state subsidies:

• Power Plant Live! entertainment district (developed by Baltimore-based The Cordish Companies, developers of Kansas City Power & Light District and St. Louis Ballpark Village)
• Rail transit such as the Baltimore Metro and LightRail Link
• A downtown baseball stadium, Oriole Park at Camden Yards
• The National Aquarium
• The Baltimore Convention Center, first renovated in 1996 and now considering another renovation and expansion; the convention center is connected by rail to . . .
• Baltimore Washington International Airport (BWI), including recent renovations and new concourses
• Baltimore even has a waterfront development!

These are developments that would make any recent Kansas City or St. Louis mayor salivate. And yet none would want to turn their cities into Baltimore. Why?

Maybe it is because we all understand—whether we admit it or not—that cities need to get the basics right. Cities should prioritize basic infrastructure, public safety, and tax policy done well before they splurge on expensive baubles. Kansas City and St. Louis do not yet have the basics right, and nothing should distract us from fixing it.

The post Baltimores on the Missouri? appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

Missouri’s low unemployment rate is welcome news, but it doesn’t tell the whole story. There are other important factors that predict economic well-being, such as labor force participation and statewide output, where Missouri’s economy is underperforming compared to other states. Tennessee, for example, is a demographically similar state but has shown significant growth compared to Missouri while also boasting a 3.5 percent unemployment rate.

As shown in the graphs below, Missouri’s labor force is stagnating. During an economic expansion, one would expect the number of interested laborers to increase. Missouri, however, defies these expectations. Our labor force shrunk by almost 30,000 people from 2016 to 2017. In this same period, our neighbor to the southeast, Tennessee, saw a spike in their labor force with 81,000 people joining.

People are entering the workforce in Tennessee to take advantage of the employment opportunities there. Some are Tennessee residents who have decided to look for work, and some are coming from outside the state. The state’s low unemployment rate suggests that Tennessee is capable of absorbing these additional potential workers and turning them into payroll employees. Compared to Missouri, Tennessee is attracting and employing people at a faster rate.

Additionally, Missouri’s production lags behind that of Tennessee as well. Missouri’s real gross domestic product, the measure of overall economic health, is growing slowly. Since 2012, Tennessee routinely experienced 2 to 4 percent annual growth in real GDP. Missouri struggles to hit 1 percent annual growth. The growing gap between Missouri’s and Tennessee’s GDPs, shown below, is stark.

Such slow growth is problematic for Missouri’s economy. The national economy is doing well, but Missouri is failing to take advantage of the rising levels of consumption, investment, and employment found throughout the country and is consequently losing out on major economic opportunities.

So what about Tennessee as compared to Missouri makes its economy grow faster and pull more people into the workforce? There are a few possibilities. First, Tennessee has no income tax, and two years ago Tennessee began to phase out the tax on investment income and will eliminate it entirely by 2022. Second, beginning in 2014 Governor Bill Haslam started reforming higher education by offering all high school graduates the opportunity to earn an associate’s degree or professional certification at no cost to them. Moreover, there has been greater coordination between colleges and businesses to ensure that the curriculum fits employers’ needs so that students learn skills that are in high demand. Third, Tennessee is a Right-to-Work state. Fourth, Tennessee is known as having a business-friendly environment.

It may be hard to pinpoint exactly what has led to Tennessee’s success, but tax-cutting policies combined with investment in workforce development and other pro-business policies like Right to Work stand out as reasons Tennessee is experiencing growth that Missourians can only envy. Continuing to push for elimination of the individual income tax and exploring potential workforce development policies could work just as well in Missouri.

The post Missouri’s Economy Struggles Despite a Low Unemployment Rate appeared first on Show-Me Institute.

• What public goods are so vital that we must impose taxes to fund them?
• How much taxation is fair?
• Who is to pay it?

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