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	<title>Joseph Haslag, Author at Show-Me Institute</title>
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	<title>Joseph Haslag, Author at Show-Me Institute</title>
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		<title>How to Grow Missouri&#8217;s Economy with Joseph Haslag</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/uncategorized/how-to-grow-missouris-economy-with-joseph-haslag/</link>
		
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		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jul 2026 14:04:05 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Budget and Spending]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Susan Pendergrass speaks with Joseph Haslag, Donald R. Street Endowed Professor and Department Head of Economics at Auburn University, about his new Show-Me Institute report, &#8220;Looking for Growth: A Productivity [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/uncategorized/how-to-grow-missouris-economy-with-joseph-haslag/">How to Grow Missouri&#8217;s Economy with Joseph Haslag</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Susan Pendergrass speaks with <a href="https://cla.auburn.edu/directory/joseph-haslag/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Joseph Haslag, Donald R. Street Endowed Professor and Department Head of Economics at Auburn University</a>, about his new Show-Me Institute report, <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">&#8220;Looking for Growth: A Productivity Story.&#8221;</a> They discuss why Missouri ranks 44th in GDP growth and labor productivity, the case for eliminating the state income tax, why industrial policy tends to fail, the role of higher education in driving innovation, and more.</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Read the full report here,</a></p>
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<p><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><strong>Episode Transcript</strong></span></p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (00:00):</strong><br />
So great to be joined today by Professor Joe Haslag of Auburn University, formerly of the University of Missouri. You&#8217;re an expert on all things economic in Missouri, and you have a new paper for the Show-Me Institute about the Missouri economy. A lot of people when they think of the economy only think of the national economy and not the fact that states have economies too, with GDPs and all kinds of things that influence them, and not all state economies are the same. One of the things I was struck by initially in the paper is that Missouri is ranked 44th for GDP growth. What do you think is going on with that? Why has Missouri fallen so far?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (00:52):</strong><br />
We couldn&#8217;t answer that question in half an hour, Susan. That&#8217;s a big one.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (00:55):</strong><br />
Yeah, well let&#8217;s just give it a shot. Why have other states&#8217; economies grown faster than ours?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (01:03):</strong><br />
Well, Missouri has not been a center of innovation, and those things are hard to pin down. There are states that have grown really fast. Since air conditioning has become more accommodating and cheaper, we&#8217;ve seen some growth in the South, and there are states like Florida and Texas that have opted for faster growth and attracted a lot of people. So there&#8217;s always this question of are you talking about just the total economy and how it grows, or are you talking about the economy per person? Both matter and both are relevant measures depending on the story you&#8217;re trying to tell. At the heart of it, though, where growth comes from is not just from adding a bunch of people. If that were the case, we would have grown during the Middle Ages just from population growth. It&#8217;s not just about adding people and workers, it&#8217;s about the productivity of those workers, how much each one can produce. We&#8217;ve seen innovations: the tractor was an innovation compared to the horse and plow, and computers were an innovation compared to adding machines. And when you say 44th, that&#8217;s one of the critical things. Missouri is also 44th in the average rate of productivity growth per worker. We just haven&#8217;t been a source of super</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (02:26):</strong><br />
Sure.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (02:54):</strong><br />
strength in that area. And I still say &#8220;we&#8221; because I was born in Missouri and spent a major chunk of my professional career at the university there. Until we change, and it&#8217;s hard, what you&#8217;d like to say is is there an easy path? Can we just do X, Y, and Z and guarantee it? No. There is no one thing that fits all. But what we do see is that people respond to incentives. What you&#8217;d like to set up is a business environment, a tax environment, and other kinds of settings that just make people take some chances. Some are going to pay off and some are going to fail, and you recognize that, but over time you see faster growth in those places.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (03:41):</strong><br />
Yeah. You talk specifically about states in terms of labor productivity. States that invest in certain sectors of the economy, particularly construction, where productivity may be growing faster than other sectors. Is that something Missouri should do? Should we be placing bets on labor sectors?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (03:57):</strong><br />
That&#8217;s a great question. The evidence in this paper is that industrial policy is not something that works very well. Trying to pick winners and losers is exactly the kind of thing we saw in the failed experiments of the USSR and some other places. We all talk about China&#8217;s explosive growth for a couple of decades. That wasn&#8217;t part of the planned economy. That was coming from the part where they just let loose their entrepreneurs and gave them the right environment, that word again, where they could take chances and succeed. So yeah, picking an industrial policy, there&#8217;s just no evidence that growth in one sector&#8217;s labor is going to give rise to faster productivity growth.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (05:10):</strong><br />
Okay, so let&#8217;s look at a different lever that we&#8217;re talking about a lot in Missouri right now, which is reducing or getting rid of the income tax. It feels like a lot of states are trying to do it. And what if all the states around Missouri did the same thing? Would that have an impact on how much our GDP benefits from it?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (05:29):</strong><br />
Sure. I mean, if we, first of all you said something interesting at the beginning. We think about the national economy, but you can draw borders around any area you want, a state, a city, a metropolitan area like St. Louis, and ask how they&#8217;re doing. One of the things that is remarkable is the biggest metropolitan area in Missouri has been stagnant for four or five decades. The population in the St. Louis MSA has been about two and a half million people for at least thirty or forty years. Where they live on the Missouri side or the Illinois side may fluctuate, but the total hasn&#8217;t changed. And the city of St. Louis proper has this weird status. Missouri has a unique thing where the city of St. Louis is its own county entity. And the city of St. Louis is</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (06:05):</strong><br />
Yeah. Right.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (06:25):</strong><br />
almost becoming a ghost town. It went from a million people in 1900 to somewhere around 300,000 right now.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (06:32):</strong><br />
Yeah. And they of course have the earnings tax. I can definitely see the counterfactual to this argument. I know people who live in states where they keep raising the income tax and piling on other taxes, Oregon comes to mind, and people are leaving. And we know that Texas and Florida, like you said, people are moving there and they don&#8217;t have income tax.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (06:50):</strong><br />
I think it&#8217;s more to it than just the income tax rate, but the income tax rate is part of this package of incentives. Alone, the income tax is a pretty powerful thing, because it changes the returns to every kind of business activity, every kind of trade where we&#8217;re exchanging work or productivity or investment for something. Getting rid of the income tax, and there&#8217;s a piece in the paper where there&#8217;s actually an estimate, a projection of how much, based on the evidence across the country, getting rid of Missouri&#8217;s income tax would add to the growth rate.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (07:32):</strong><br />
And how much would it add to people&#8217;s pockets?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (07:33):</strong><br />
Well, the growth rate is about between a</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (07:35):</strong><br />
I mean, this is a number that people have been talking about in Missouri the last year. We get rid of the income tax, everyone will have $2,800 or $2,900 more. And your estimate is $2,900?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (07:39):</strong><br />
Right around $2,900. And it takes a few years to get there, but the point is you get an immediate pop and then faster growth for the rest of the time.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (07:57):</strong><br />
And you have a similar estimate if we improve our labor productivity. How do we go about doing that?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (08:02):</strong><br />
You create incentives. Productivity still comes from what human beings do, what men and women in the labor force do. My incentive to innovate in a state where the income tax rate is eight or nine percent is a lot lower than it is in a state where it&#8217;s one or two percent,</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (08:06):</strong><br />
Yeah. Right. Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (08:29):</strong><br />
simply because I get to keep more of what the risk produces. We often talk about business as us versus them. But at the heart of the matter, there are people out there saying, I want a better standard of living for myself and my family, and I&#8217;m willing to take some risk. I may start in my basement, or in an office with just two or three people. But if my idea is a winning idea, those people who started with me, the people I employ as I expand my business, sure, do I benefit? Yeah, I do. But I also took a lot of risk to do that. I could have fallen flat on my face and come away with nothing.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (09:05):</strong><br />
Yeah. I think you make that point quite well where you talk about dividing up the pie versus growing the pie. You could grow the size of the pie and everyone could theoretically get a bigger slice of it. And I think that&#8217;s where people assume everything is fixed. In fact, in the data you were analyzing, we have both the Great Recession and COVID bookending it, and that has to have some impact on Missouri&#8217;s long-term growth trajectory, right?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (09:26):</strong><br />
Yeah, it&#8217;s harder to discern. The financial crisis cleared out a bunch of stuff where people had taken risk, some of those were financial risks, and it spread to a bigger group of people. The Great Recession</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (09:48):</strong><br />
Did it muddy things up at all?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (10:09):</strong><br />
It goes back to the idea of creative destruction. Sometimes you have a big destruction and it creates an opportunity for lots of creation. Did the financial crisis of 2008 give rise to the AI expansion? It might have sped it up.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (10:12):</strong><br />
Yeah. Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (10:26):</strong><br />
I don&#8217;t know for sure, but I think COVID probably had some impacts on that as well. Since we couldn&#8217;t be with one another and couldn&#8217;t get those spillovers from working together, we relied on computer hardware and software to do those things for us.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (10:36):</strong><br />
Yeah. It was an engine of change in education because people started tutoring and teaching online, realizing you could get a tutor from across the country. It really opened up a lot of interesting new things that I&#8217;m not sure have completely sifted out, and I assume that&#8217;s true throughout the economy. In a lot of ways, necessity being the mother of invention, it increased productivity.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (11:16):</strong><br />
No doubt. But I also think that what we&#8217;re seeing is the call by so many corporations across the country that, sure, you&#8217;ve worked five days a week remote for a couple of years, but we really want you to come back. We think it&#8217;s in our best interest as a corporation, for our shareholders, for those folks to be back in the office. Maybe four days a week instead of five, but there&#8217;s something about being together that creates possibilities for innovations as well. I&#8217;ll tell you a quick story. The semester after the University of Missouri got off of any sort of</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (11:38):</strong><br />
Mm-hmm. Yeah. Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (11:55):</strong><br />
remote or semi-remote teaching, I was teaching an undergraduate class. That class is typically between 60 and 80 kids, an advanced course, mostly juniors and seniors. You can tell with senioritis, somewhere about 12 weeks into a 16-week semester, you&#8217;re down to somewhere between 60 and 70 percent attendance.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (12:11):</strong><br />
Yeah. Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (12:19):</strong><br />
That first semester back, it stayed close to 90 percent the entire semester, simply because they were dying to just be in the same room with each other. They recognized that there were spillovers from being in the classroom.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (12:27):</strong><br />
Right. That&#8217;s interesting. So if you were given a magic wand and you wanted Missouri&#8217;s GDP growth to not be 44th, to be maybe top 25, what would you do with the Missouri economy to really kick-start it?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (12:52):</strong><br />
I think two things. The easiest one is on the policy front: we just let the returns go back to the people. The tax rate in Missouri, I wouldn&#8217;t say it&#8217;s an abomination, but I just don&#8217;t think it&#8217;s been very helpful. But on top of that, our K-12 education, and this is going to appeal to you, has been an issue. We don&#8217;t have much competition. But I&#8217;m also going to put in a plug: I think Missouri has almost turned its back on higher ed.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (13:20):</strong><br />
Yeah. You say this in the paper. Our educational attainment is tanking, right?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (13:36):</strong><br />
Yeah. We just don&#8217;t have a commitment to it. The question I think would be most interesting is what would the St. Louis economy look like if Wash U wasn&#8217;t there? Wash U is an engine of innovation. There&#8217;s a lot of great things going on at the med school and the engineering school, and I think it&#8217;s just teaching people to learn how to think. Now those people end up going all over the world, but if there was a commitment to, I mean, the University of Missouri has lagged behind some of our Midwestern counterparts. Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin are all suffering from the same straitjacket, which is that the amount of state funding they receive is down. But I&#8217;d also say Missouri is sort of doubly hurt because the state gives the university system whatever money they&#8217;re going to give, but then the university system is also controlled by the state in terms of how much they can raise tuition. So there&#8217;s no freedom to test what the market forces would look like. And at higher ed, maybe more so than K-12, spending per student at K-12 is not always the recipe for predicting success. However, at higher ed, because there are market forces that tend to work at a different level,</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (15:08):</strong><br />
It is not. Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (15:19):</strong><br />
money and innovation tend to go hand in hand. Higher ed seems to be going through some sort of shift right now, and I&#8217;m not sure I understand exactly what&#8217;s going on with it. But if you were to tell me what the two big policies would be, I&#8217;m not saying the state of Missouri should spend more on higher ed, but they should loosen the purse strings and let those institutions compete with the market and see what they could do.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (15:31):</strong><br />
Yeah. I think it&#8217;s one of the easier parts of the budget to cut. And as our revenue is going down, there seems to be a larger group of stakeholders in K-12: there are 520 superintendents and school boards. That&#8217;s a tougher one to cut than higher ed, and I feel like they&#8217;ve taken budget cuts.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (15:55):</strong><br />
And maybe it&#8217;s not that the state should be paying the university systems more, but they should let them go. Let them set tuition rates at whatever they think is right. And if it doesn&#8217;t work and they fail, then you end up looking more like the University of Idaho than the University of Michigan in terms of how you&#8217;re contributing to the state economy. But</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (16:22):</strong><br />
Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (16:37):</strong><br />
I think there are opportunities to exploit there and we just can&#8217;t seem to. There also seems to be this weird critical mass that&#8217;s important in higher ed. You have to have a bunch of people together who are all pulling the wagon in the same direction.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (16:42):</strong><br />
Yeah. Well, we also have declining enrollment. Fewer kids coming up. I think we had our largest graduating high school class last year or the year before, so that&#8217;s going to make it tough. So just to clarify,</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (16:59):</strong><br />
Yeah.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (17:03):</strong><br />
if Missouri were able to move its income tax rate down close to zero, you, based on your research, feel confident that Missourians would have more money in their pocket?</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (17:12):</strong><br />
More than confident. I think it&#8217;s unambiguous. The math is pretty straightforward. If you have a hundred-dollar paycheck and your taxes go from five percent to two percent,</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (17:15):</strong><br />
Okay. You heard it here.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Joe Haslag (17:35):</strong><br />
it was my pleasure. Susan, it&#8217;s always good to see you and cross paths. I wish I could be there on the ground and have all those conversations I had fifteen years ago when we were talking about this. Thanks for your service.</p>
<p class="font-claude-response-body break-words whitespace-normal"><strong>Susan Pendergrass (17:44):</strong><br />
We&#8217;ll welcome you back. Thank you so much. Appreciate it.</p>
<p>Produced by Show-Me Opportunity</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/uncategorized/how-to-grow-missouris-economy-with-joseph-haslag/">How to Grow Missouri&#8217;s Economy with Joseph Haslag</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>How Missouri Can Encourage Economic Growth</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/economy/how-missouri-can-encourage-growth/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 01 Jul 2026 19:02:56 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[State and Local Government]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Taxes]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://showmeinstitute.org/?p=603982</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>In his 2026 report, Looking for Growth: A Productivity Story, economist Joseph Haslag finds that eliminating Missouri&#8217;s state income tax could raise the state&#8217;s annual growth rate by a quarter [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/economy/how-missouri-can-encourage-growth/">How Missouri Can Encourage Economic Growth</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>In his 2026 report, <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><em>Looking for Growth: A Productivity Story</em></a>, economist Joseph Haslag finds that eliminating Missouri&#8217;s state income tax could raise the state&#8217;s annual growth rate by a quarter to a half percentage point and lift workers&#8217; incomes.</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><strong><a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Read the Full Report Here</a></strong></p>
<div class="wp-block-pdfemb-pdf-embedder-viewer"><a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/Looking-for-Growth-One-Pager.pdf" class="pdfemb-viewer" style="" data-width="max" data-height="max" data-toolbar="bottom" data-toolbar-fixed="off">Looking for Growth-One Pager</a></div>
<p><a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/Looking-for-Growth-One-Pager.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Download Infographic </a></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/economy/how-missouri-can-encourage-growth/">How Missouri Can Encourage Economic Growth</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Looking for Growth: A Productivity Story</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Jun 2026 12:36:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://showmeinstitute.org/?post_type=publication&#038;p=603785</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Download this Report In this report, economist Joseph Haslag examines what drives economic and productivity growth across the states and finds that the single biggest factor is labor productivity. The [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/">Looking for Growth: A Productivity Story</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
]]></description>
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<p class="smi-actions"><a class="smi-dl" href="https://showmeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/State-Productivity-Haslag.pdf" download>Download this Report</a></p>
<p class="smi-lede">In this report, economist Joseph Haslag examines what drives economic and productivity growth across the states and finds that the single biggest factor is labor productivity. The analysis points to a clear lever for Missouri policymakers: eliminating the state income tax could raise the state&#8217;s annual growth rate by a quarter to a half percentage point, lifting worker incomes.</p>
<details class="smi-toc smi-wide" open>
<summary>Table of Contents</summary>
<nav aria-label="Table of contents">
<ol>
<li><a href="#executive-summary">Executive Summary</a></li>
<li><a href="#introduction">Introduction</a></li>
<li><a href="#drivers-of-growth">Drivers of Economic Growth: Factor Accumulation and the Importance of Productivity</a></li>
<li><a href="#data">Data</a></li>
<li class="sub"><a href="#bls-measure">The BLS Measure</a></li>
<li class="sub"><a href="#solow-measure">Growth Accounting and the Solow Measure</a></li>
<li><a href="#taxes-and-growth">Taxes and Growth</a></li>
<li><a href="#conclusions">Conclusions</a></li>
<li><a href="#notes">Notes</a></li>
<li><a href="#references">References</a></li>
</ol>
</nav>
</details>
<h2 id="executive-summary">Executive Summary</h2>
<p>Governor Kehoe and the Missouri Legislature are currently advancing a proposed constitutional amendment that would phase out and eventually eliminate the state income tax by limiting revenue growth, directing surpluses to tax reduction, and authorizing a modernization of the sales tax base to speed the state&#8217;s progress toward a zero income-tax rate. When assessing this or any other reform, public debate often treats the economic pie as fixed and dwells on how different policies alter the way the pie gets cut, but this focus entirely misses the point. Job opportunities, wages, and prosperity as a whole are tied to the growth in the size of the economic pie. Thus, it is critical to understand the determinants of economic growth, which are the subject of this paper.</p>
<div class="smi-key smi-wide">
<h3>Key Takeaways</h3>
<ul>
<li>From 1997 through 2021, Missouri was the 44th-fastest-growing state and the 44th fastest in terms of total factor productivity growth.</li>
<li>For every one percentage point increase in labor productivity growth, real GDP growth increases by nearly 1.2 percentage points.</li>
<li>Nearly 62 percent of the variation in real GDP growth across states can be accounted for by movements in labor productivity growth.</li>
<li>The productivity growth from eliminating the state income tax alone would permanently raise the annual real GDP growth rate by an estimated 0.25 to 0.5 percentage points per year. This higher growth rate would cause incomes to grow by up to an additional $2,900 per worker after a decade, which is on top of the nearly $2,900 in higher wages estimated by the White House Council of Economic Advisers from the capital accumulation induced by state income tax elimination. Combined, this implies wage gains of up to $5,800.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<h2 id="introduction">Introduction</h2>
<p>As the eminent economist Robert Lucas stated, &#8220;Once you start thinking about growth, it&#8217;s hard to think about anything else.&#8221; Professor Lucas was making two points. First, a growing economic pie is the foundation for rising living standards. Second, there is the puzzle regarding the wide variation in growth rates across regions. The geography of economic growth and comparisons across different areas demonstrate the kind of variation that helps people understand the causes of economic growth. Economists differentiate between growth due to more workers and growth due to output per worker; that is, population growth and productivity growth. With data reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, we know the rate at which output per worker has increased over the last several decades. We are interested in assessing what factors drive productivity growth across states, especially tax policy. To fill this gap in knowledge, this paper sets out to answer three main questions. First, what does the cross-state evidence tell us about the relationship between labor productivity growth and real GDP growth? Second, are movements in employment growth in particular industrial sectors correlated with movements in labor productivity growth? Third, how do government policies affect labor productivity growth?</p>
<p>The answers can help shape policy actions designed to encourage economic growth. In a bivariate regression, labor productivity growth can account for more than 60 percent of the variation in real GDP growth rates across states. We also find that employment growth in several sectors is positively correlated with real GDP growth, but employment growth in the construction sector and the scientific, technical and business sector are significantly, positively correlated with labor productivity growth. A cautionary note is that such correlations do not support industrial policies aimed at increasing employment in those sectors. Lastly, income tax rates affect economic growth through the after-tax return to investments. A lower state income tax rate, for example, results in substitution of current consumption for future consumption; with higher after-tax returns, future consumption has become less expensive relative to current consumption. In short, there is an incentive to invest in activities that increase productivity. For Missouri, eliminating the state income tax, for example, could add between one-quarter and one-half percentage point to the state&#8217;s real GDP growth rate.</p>
<p>The essay develops these questions and results after a brief overview of the relationship between productivity growth and overall economic growth. Next is a description of the data, followed by the analysis of the relationship between real GDP growth and productivity growth, the sectoral employment growth with real GDP growth and labor productivity growth. The analysis then develops a description of how income tax rates affect growth followed by a brief summary.</p>
<h2 id="drivers-of-growth">Drivers of Economic Growth: Factor Accumulation and the Importance of Productivity</h2>
<p>The economic pie is measured as the output of final goods and services an economy produces each year, otherwise known as Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In economies, people combine labor with capital and ever-evolving methods and processes to produce these final goods and services. It is easy to overlook the advances in engineering, organizational management, and other factors that combine capital and labor. Often, we simply lump all these advances together into the so-called &#8220;technology&#8221; of production. Understanding growth starts with focusing on the rate at which the economic pie is changing over time. A deeper dive asks how labor, capital, and technological advances are changing over time and thus contributing to growth.</p>
<p>To allocate the causes of growth, we start with an equivalent way to measure GDP. The annual dollar value of final goods and services sold is equal to the annual income paid to all the inputs used in production along with the &#8220;rents&#8221; paid to owners. In other words, GDP is the same as aggregate income. In the United States, the total income paid to workers has remained a stable share of aggregate income and has risen faster than the total number of hours worked. The result: individual workers have generally seen their pay increase over time in the form of higher wages. These rising wages reflect the fact that economic output per worker, otherwise known as labor productivity, has steadily increased. However, the level and growth rate of labor productivity varies over time and by location, impacted by macroeconomic factors in addition to policy decisions made at different levels of government.</p>
<p>Before delving into these factors, what does labor productivity look like at the individual worker level, and what contributes to a worker becoming more productive? One element is experience. Over time, workers learn the processes involved with doing a job. Through such experience, the worker becomes better at the job; hands become used to activities and simply become more adept through practice or perhaps even confidence. In the services industry, the worker builds relationships with clients that expedite sales. In addition, the worker sees how their part of the company links to other parts and can suggest ways to streamline disjointed processes resulting in greater productivity by multiple workers. The bottom line is that a more experienced worker typically produces more goods and services in the same amount of time compared with his or her less-experienced self.</p>
<p>Workers also become productive with investment in human capital. Additional training provides the worker with something similar to experience. With training, the job&#8217;s requirements become clearer. Training is not the only element. Education also plays a role in worker productivity. With investment in human capital, the worker&#8217;s problem-solving skills are enhanced. Consider another example of a farmer going to an agriculture class and learning that weeding results in larger harvests at season&#8217;s end. Even without any increase in the number of hours worked, the farmer will see an increase in the total value of corn produced. In this case, the farmer&#8217;s labor productivity increases owing to the investment in human capital.</p>
<p>Investing in physical capital like machines and factories can also make workers more productive. Insofar as machines augment workers&#8217; ability to complete certain tasks—think calculators, for example—the worker can become more productive. One may be concerned that such capital will replace workers rather than make them more productive. While physical capital can at times substitute for certain tasks and types of workers, the stable share of rising aggregate income that accrues to workers demonstrates that capital and workers are generally complementary in production, and businesses consistently find ways to innovate and redeploy labor to new and productive ends. Physical capital also requires some human maintenance and support, generating entirely new sources of labor demand.</p>
<p>Lastly, there is technological progress. Through basic research and development, new technologies are discovered. These new technologies are sometimes captured by new machines, but there are also discoveries that amount to new processes. Perhaps a clear example is the assembly line. One thing the assembly line did was put workers into position to produce automobiles faster. Rather than moving the semi-constructed vehicle around the plant floor, the assembly line produced a system that transferred the vehicle to its next logical step in the production process. Production processes, new ideas, and cost-saving analyses are ways in which worker productivity can be improved without the necessity of investment in either physical capital or human capital. The key takeaway is that technological progress is a very broad term that encompasses new modes of doing things, not just new inventions.</p>
<p>Overall, the two pillars of economic growth are the accumulation of the factors of production—namely, more workers and more physical capital—and improvements in the &#8220;technology&#8221; of utilizing those inputs to produce output; that is, technological progress. From the perspective of individual workers, note that while greater employment means higher GDP, a larger economic pie shared among a larger number of people does not necessarily mean a larger piece per worker. By contrast, labor productivity growth—fueled by increases in human capital per worker, physical capital per worker, and technological progress—directly makes way for rising living standards. In what follows, this paper studies the importance of productivity and technological progress in explaining state-level economic performance and the role played by different policies and regulatory environments.</p>
<h2 id="data">Data</h2>
<p>We have two different measures of state-level productivity growth. The &#8220;short&#8221; measure spans the period from 2007 through 2023. For the short measure, data are reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). Hereafter, the short measure is referred to as the BLS measure. The BLS measure calculates index values for labor productivity. The index value is set to 100 in 2017 (the base year).</p>
<p>We also compute a longer series of technological progress. In this alternative approach, hereafter referred to as the Solow measure, we compute the average annual growth rate for technological progress for each state between 1997 through 2021. The input data are collected from three sources: employment comes from the BLS, state-level real GDP comes from the Bureau of Economic Analysis, and a measure of the physical capital stock is obtained from state-level capital stocks constructed using the methodology described by Garofalo and Yamarik (2002). The capital stock data are maintained by Yamarik and El-Shagi from 1947 through 2021.<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-1"><a href="#fn-1">1</a></sup></p>
<p>The analysis is directed at two specific questions. First, we are interested in the relationship between the average annual growth rate in labor productivity and real GDP across states. If a positive, cause-and-effect relationship exists, causation could run in either direction. On the one hand, faster labor productivity growth means that the economy can produce more output using the same inputs. On the other hand, higher output growth also means that the economy has more resources to direct toward innovation that produces productivity gains. Second, we study whether the relationship between the average growth rate of labor productivity and the growth rate of employment is specific to sectors across states. As with the first question, any potential causation could run in either direction. This difficulty in identifying causation from correlation is nothing new, as similar analyses have been done using cross-country data to develop fruitful, empirically validated theories that have enhanced our understanding of what drives national economic growth.<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-2"><a href="#fn-2">2</a></sup></p>
<p>In addition to labor productivity growth data, we use data on real personal income and six different employment sectors. The sector data are for construction, manufacturing, trade, transportation and utilities, financial activities, professional and business services, and education and health services.</p>
<h3 id="bls-measure">The BLS Measure</h3>
<p>Over the period 2007 to 2023, labor productivity growth across states ranged from –0.2 percent in Louisiana to 2.6 percent in Washington. The mean across the states is 1.1 percent, and the standard deviation is 0.64 percent. Missouri reported that labor productivity increased at a 1.2 percent average annual rate, ranking 23rd in the United States. For comparison, Missouri ranked as the 43rd fastest-growing state by real GDP growth over the same period.<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-3"><a href="#fn-3">3</a></sup></p>
<p>Diving deeper into the data, we now look at the relationship between labor productivity growth and real GDP growth across states. Table 1 reports the results of a regression in which average annual percentage change in real GDP growth by state is the dependent variable and the average annual percentage change in labor productivity growth by state is the explanatory variable. The standard errors are reported in parentheses below the estimated coefficients.</p>
<div class="smi-table smi-wide">
<p class="smi-tnum">Table 1</p>
<p class="smi-tcap">Regression Results for Real Personal Income Growth Across States</p>
<p class="smi-tsub">Not surprisingly, income growth is positively related to productivity growth.</p>
<div class="smi-scroll">
<table>
<thead>
<tr>
<th scope="col">Variable</th>
<th scope="col">Estimated Coefficient</th>
<th scope="col">Adj R sq</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Constant</th>
<td class="num"><span class="smi-stat"><span class="b"><span class="i">0</span>.004*** </span><span class="b"><span class="i">(0</span>.0017)</span></span></td>
<td class="num">0.616</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Labor Productivity Growth</th>
<td class="num"><span class="smi-stat"><span class="b"><span class="i">1</span>.193*** </span><span class="b"><span class="i">(0</span>.134)</span></span></td>
<td class="num"></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table></div>
<p class="smi-tsource">Source: Authors&#8217; calculations</p>
<p class="smi-tsource">*** Statistically significant at the 0.01 level.</p>
</div>
<p>The regression results tell us three things. First, the constant tells us that for a state with zero labor productivity growth, the average annual real GDP growth rate would be 0.4 percent. Second, the coefficient on labor productivity growth is significant and positive. The implication is that a state with faster labor productivity growth will, on average, record faster real GDP growth. Indeed, <em>for every one percentage point increase in labor productivity growth, real GDP growth increases by nearly 1.2 percentage points.</em><sup class="fnref" id="fnref-4"><a href="#fn-4">4</a></sup> Third, the last column reports the adjusted R square. The 0.616 value tells us that <em>nearly 62 percent of the variation in real GDP growth across states can be accounted for by movements in labor productivity growth.</em> With only one variable in this regression, we would expect that the remaining variation in real GDP would be explained by a host of state-specific factors excluded in the regression, such as tax policy, education infrastructure, natural resources, and the regulatory environment.</p>
<aside class="smi-pull">For every one percentage point increase in labor productivity growth, real GDP growth increases by nearly 1.2 percentage points.</aside>
<p>Differences across sectors in state economies may account for differences in productivity growth. The hypothesis to study is whether some states are booming because they are focusing on so-called &#8220;hot&#8221; sectors, like artificial intelligence. Such a sector-specific focus could be the result of market forces or, as is often the case, it could reflect public officials&#8217; use of taxpayer money and other measures to lure specific industries to their states in an attempt to get ahead of the competition and beat the market. But is there a correlation between growth in employment in specific industries and overall productivity growth? More generally, we examine whether states that recorded the highest labor productivity growth are also states with the highest employment growth in a specific sector of the economy. In addition, we compute the correlation between real personal income growth and employment in the specific sector. The sample period is 2007 through 2023.</p>
<p>To begin, we compute the average annual percentage change in employment growth in six different sectors. State-level payroll employment levels are reported by the BLS. Table 2 reports the correlation coefficient between state-level employment growth in each sector identified by the column heading with real GDP growth (row heading &#8220;w/real GDP&#8221;) and labor productivity growth (row heading &#8220;w/LP&#8221;).</p>
<div class="smi-table smi-wide">
<p class="smi-tnum">Table 2</p>
<p class="smi-tcap">Correlation Between Labor Productivity Growth And Sectoral Employment Growth Across States, 2007–2023</p>
<p class="smi-tsub">Productivity growth is not tied to a specific industry, so targeting industries is not supported.</p>
<div class="smi-scroll">
<table>
<thead>
<tr>
<th scope="col">Sector</th>
<th scope="col">Construction</th>
<th scope="col">Manufacturing</th>
<th scope="col">Trade, Transport, and Utilities</th>
<th scope="col">Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate</th>
<th scope="col">Professional, Business, and Scientific</th>
<th scope="col">Education and Health Services</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Correlation w/ Real GDP</th>
<td class="num">0.761</td>
<td class="num">0.401</td>
<td class="num">0.32</td>
<td class="num">0.162</td>
<td class="num">0.663</td>
<td class="num">0.532</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Correlation w/ LP</th>
<td class="num">0.437</td>
<td class="num">0.059</td>
<td class="num">0.123</td>
<td class="num">–0.159</td>
<td class="num">0.309</td>
<td class="num">0.209</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table></div>
<p class="smi-tsource">Source: Authors&#8217; calculations</p>
</div>
<p>It is important to note that these correlations tell us one thing: namely, that GDP growth or labor productivity growth moves with employment growth in a particular sector. The results should not be interpreted as indicating that employment growth in a sector &#8220;causes&#8221; GDP growth or productivity growth. Neither do the results indicate that changes in GDP growth or productivity growth cause employment growth.</p>
<p>Based on the results, faster construction employment growth is most closely correlated with faster real GDP growth. The correlation between real GDP growth and sector-specific employment growth gradually weakens when going from the professional, business, and scientific sector to education and health services to manufacturing to trade, transport, and utilities, and finally to finance, insurance and real estate.</p>
<p>For labor productivity growth, the correlations are weaker across the board. In the case of the finance, insurance, and real estate sector, faster employment growth is even <em>negatively</em> correlated with labor productivity growth, meaning that states with faster employment growth in the finance sector recorded, on average, slower labor productivity growth between 2007 and 2023. Employment growth in the manufacturing sector and the trade, transport and utilities sector are not significantly correlated, suggesting that states with faster employment growth in these two sectors are, on average, not systematically related to faster or slower labor productivity growth. Though the correlations are not strong, the evidence does support a moderate positive correlation between employment growth in the construction, professional, business and scientific, and education and health services sectors. The correlations are weak enough that even if the causation runs from sector to labor productivity growth, the evidence does not support the idea that subsidizing employment growth in these sectors would generate greater productivity growth.<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-5"><a href="#fn-5">5</a></sup></p>
<p>One shortcoming of the data analyzed so far is the short time frame. Not only are there only 15 years of data, but the starting point and the end point are very close to two separate business-cycle turning points. The 2007 data were recorded just before the Great Recession. The 2023 data were recorded in the second year after the COVID recession. The short sample and the business cycle turning points could be affecting the long-run growth trend.</p>
<p>In addition to the time series issues, the analysis thus far does not say whether labor productivity growth is occurring because of increases in the amount of physical capital per worker—otherwise known as capital deepening—or because of innovation that gives rise to technological progress. To isolate the contribution of technological progress, we must turn to the Solow measure.</p>
<h3 id="solow-measure">Growth Accounting and the Solow Measure</h3>
<p>The Solow measure is a way to quantify productivity growth while taking into account the contributions of both labor and capital. The data in this section span the period from 1997 through 2021. To illustrate the measure, we start with an equation that characterizes the relationship between inputs (capital and labor) and output that is consistent with the empirical observation that the shares of income paid to capital and labor are remarkably stable over time. Such a function can be written as:</p>
<p class="smi-eq"><span class="n">(1)</span> <em>Y</em><sub><em>t</em></sub> = <em>A</em><sub><em>t</em></sub> (<em>K</em><sub><em>t</em></sub>)<sup><em>α</em></sup> (<em>N</em><sub><em>t</em></sub>)<sup>1−<em>α</em></sup></p>
<p>where <em>Y</em> stands for the value of real GDP, <em>A</em> is total factor productivity, <em>K</em> is the capital stock, and <em>N</em> is the number of people employed. The exponent α represents the share of income paid to capital inputs and 1−α is the share paid to labor.</p>
<p>There are several mechanical ways to go from Equation 1 in levels to the percentage change. It is sufficient to say that after some algebra, we can express the percentage change in output as follows:<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-6"><a href="#fn-6">6</a></sup></p>
<p class="smi-eq"><span class="n">(2)</span> %Δ<em>Y</em><sub><em>t</em></sub> = %Δ<em>A</em> + <em>α</em>(Δ<em>K</em><sub><em>t</em></sub>) + (1−<em>α</em>)(%Δ<em>N</em><sub><em>t</em></sub>)</p>
<p>Equation 2 is the basic growth accounting equation. It says that the percentage change in aggregate output is the sum of the percentage change in total factor productivity (hereafter, TFP growth), the product of the income share paid to capital and the percentage change in the aggregate capital stock, and the product of the share of income paid to labor and the percentage change in labor. Armed with Equation 2, we have a way to assess the contributions from the various components contributing to economic growth. With real GDP, the capital stock, the number of payroll employees in each state and the fraction of income paid to each factor of production, we can solve for the average annual percentage change in productivity.</p>
<p>Based on the data for the period 1997 through 2021, we calculate the average annual TFP growth, using Equation 2 with α = 0.3. We plot the data for the average annual percentage change in TFP growth and the average annual percentage change in capital stock for the period 1997 through 2021 in Figure 1. For Missouri, real GDP increased at a 1.29 percent average annual rate.</p>
<figure class="smi-wide">
  <img src="https://showmeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/figure-1-productivity-capital-growth.png" loading="lazy" decoding="async" alt="Figure 1. Productivity Growth and Capital Stock Growth by State, 1997 through 2021. A two-bar chart for all 50 states comparing percent change in total factor productivity against percent change in physical capital stock; Missouri sits near the bottom of the pack. The blue bar represents the percent change in total factor productivity, and the orange bar represents the percent change in the physical capital stock. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics and Garofalo and Yamarik (2002)."><br />
</figure>
<p>Across states, Missouri is ranked as the 44th fastest-growing state during this period. During the same period, payroll employment increased at a 0.35 percent average annual rate, and the capital stock increased at a 1.45 percent average annual rate. Lastly, TFP increased at a 0.64 percent average annual rate in Missouri between 1997 and 2021. <em>Note that Missouri also ranked as the 44th fastest-growing state in terms of TFP.</em></p>
<p>Looking across states, we start by calculating how closely correlated the growth rates in these two measures of productivity (labor productivity and TFP) are. For the data covering 2007 to 2021, the estimated correlation coefficient is 0.57. It is comforting to find that there is a positive correlation between labor productivity growth and TFP growth. However, the correlation is sufficiently weak to indicate that by including capital growth, labor productivity is capturing both TFP growth and capital growth. Since labor productivity includes both TFP and capital per worker, the fact that it is not more tightly correlated with TFP growth indicates that it is capturing changes in capital per worker as well.</p>
<p>We also consider the correlation coefficient between TFP growth, employment growth, capital stock growth, and real GDP growth. For the 1997–2021 sample, Table 3 reports the correlation coefficients taken from the growth accounting across states. More specifically, the question is whether movements in real GDP growth, employment growth, capital growth, and TFP growth are correlated across states.</p>
<div class="smi-table smi-wide">
<p class="smi-tnum">Table 3</p>
<p class="smi-tcap">Correlation Coefficients from Growth Accounting, 1997–2021</p>
<p class="smi-tsub">Income growth is driven by the big three; workers, capital expenditures, and productivity.</p>
<div class="smi-scroll">
<table>
<thead>
<tr>
<th scope="col"></th>
<th scope="col">Real GDP Growth</th>
<th scope="col">Empl. Growth</th>
<th scope="col">Capital Growth</th>
<th scope="col">TFP Growth</th>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Real GDP Growth</th>
<td class="num">1</td>
<td class="num"></td>
<td class="num"></td>
<td class="num"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Empl. Growth</th>
<td class="num">0.833</td>
<td class="num">1</td>
<td class="num"></td>
<td class="num"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Capital Growth</th>
<td class="num">0.768</td>
<td class="num">0.531</td>
<td class="num">1</td>
<td class="num"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">TFP Growth</th>
<td class="num">0.663</td>
<td class="num">0.328</td>
<td class="num">0.205</td>
<td class="num">1</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table></div>
<p class="smi-tsource">Source: Authors&#8217; calculations</p>
</div>
<p>Across states, faster real GDP growth is highly correlated with faster employment growth, faster capital growth, and faster TFP growth, meaning that states with stronger economic growth tend to exhibit these characteristics as well.</p>
<p>However, the correlation between employment growth and capital growth and TFP growth, though positive, is much weaker. Overall, the evidence does support the notion that states with faster productivity growth tend to have faster employment growth.</p>
<p>We are interested in how growth is correlated with educational attainment across states. We have the percent of population with bachelor&#8217;s degree as the measure of human capital. We have values from the 2000 Census and the 2021 Current Population Survey plotted in Figure 2. A clear observation in the data is the gain in educational attainment in every state over the 21-year period. Thus, there is clear evidence of human capital investment in each state. Massachusetts reports a 27-percentage-point increase in the percent of population with a bachelor&#8217;s degree between 2000 and 2021. Missouri reported a nearly 18-percentage-point increase in the percent of population with a bachelor&#8217;s degree between 2000 and 2021. Missouri tied for the 27th-largest increase in the change in educational attainment among the states.</p>
<figure class="smi-wide">
  <img src="https://showmeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/figure-2-bachelors-degree.png" loading="lazy" decoding="async" alt="Figure 2. Percent of Population with Bachelor's Degree, 2000 and 2021. A grouped bar chart for all 50 states showing attainment in 2000 versus 2021; every state increased, with Missouri near the middle, ranking 27th in change in educational attainment. Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis."><br />
</figure>
<p>The evidence suggests that states with faster productivity growth do, on average, have higher educational attainment levels. The correlation is statistically significant, but the coefficient is small. The results are as follows. Based on the educational attainment level in 2000, real GDP growth is positively correlated with educational attainment and the coefficient equal to 0.39. Alternatively, using the educational attainment level in 2021, the correlation coefficient is 0.24 between real GDP growth and educational attainment. A third correlation is calculated for the change in educational attainment, measured as the difference between educational attainment in 2021 less educational attainment in 2000. The correlation coefficient is 0.1 between real GDP growth and the change in educational attainment.</p>
<p>The evidence suggests that TFP is more closely correlated with educational attainment than real GDP growth is, but only incrementally. With educational attainment measured in 2000, the correlation between TFP growth and educational attainment is 0.51. If we use educational attainment in 2021 as the measure of human capital, the correlation coefficient is 0.34. Lastly, with the change in educational attainment, the correlation coefficient is 0.17 between TFP growth and the changes in educational attainment. The evidence, therefore, indicates that states with higher educational attainment levels are, on average, states that report higher total factor productivity growth. In each case, the correlation is statistically significant.<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-7"><a href="#fn-7">7</a></sup></p>
<h2 id="taxes-and-growth">Taxes and Growth</h2>
<p>In this last section, we present a simple mechanism through which changes in tax rates affect changes in economic growth. The key mechanism is the return to input.</p>
<p>The work by Romer (1986), Lucas (1988), Jones and Manuelli (1990), and Rebelo (1991) sparked a revolution in the way researchers thought about economic growth. Earlier approaches treated technological progress as something that occurred outside the economy. In contrast, this research showed that growth is influenced by the decisions of individuals and firms, particularly their incentives to invest, innovate, and accumulate knowledge. People&#8217;s responses to incentives are reflected in the economy as changes in TFP.</p>
<p>There is a common thread across each technological development. Specifically, the key incentive is the return to investing in things that generate faster productivity growth and ultimately, high growth rates. Put more simply, people balance the trade-off between consuming today with the opportunity of greater (expected) consumption in the future. Future consumption gains are achieved by making the economic pie bigger for a given population. And that bigger pie comes from accumulating knowledge and investing in new methods, new technologies, and consequently, productivity gains. The economic process is analogous to sowing and reaping.</p>
<p>As with forward-looking economic decisions, how much to reap and sow depends on the expected return. The expected return is measured in terms of dollars spent today on the investment and the future dollars received—that is, income generated—by the investment. Moreover, it is the after-tax returns that matter to the investor. The equation derived from this problem indicates that the growth rate of income is a function of the expected real, after-tax return on the investment.</p>
<p>Now, we can see clearly how income tax rates affect growth. Growth depends on after-tax returns. And after-tax returns are negatively related to income tax rates. The intuition is straightforward. A higher income tax rate, for example, reduces the after-tax real return on investments. With the decline in the after-tax real return, the incentive to invest declines and correspondingly, the growth rate declines.</p>
<p>In an earlier paper, Castell and Haslag (2010) calculated the effects of state income tax reduction on real GDP growth. Their analysis predicted that real GDP growth rates would increase about 80 basis points given a six-percentage-point decrease in the state income tax. Using an endogenous growth model that incorporates the impact of productivity on economic growth rates, Crader and Haslag (2019) find that state income tax elimination would add a projected 25 to 50 basis points to the average annual economic growth rate.<sup class="fnref" id="fnref-8"><a href="#fn-8">8</a></sup></p>
<p>In a recent report, the White House Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) looked at the impact that reducing state income tax rates would have on the user cost of physical capital investment. The CEA asked how big the gain to median annual income would be if state income taxes were eliminated. Based on the CEA&#8217;s projections, median annual income would rise by nearly $2,900 from ending the state income tax.</p>
<p>The growth model presented above is different in that the projection is a once-and-for-all increase in the growth rate. Compounding would increase the impact of a modest 25-basis-point increase in Missouri&#8217;s GDP growth rate such that income would be nearly $1,800 higher in 2035 without the state income tax, and $2,900 if the growth rate increases by 50 basis points. Because these models capture different mechanisms, their wage impacts are additive, so the boost to median annual income could be about $5,800.</p>
<h2 id="conclusions">Conclusions</h2>
<p>Just as Adam Smith used economics to study the determinants of the wealth of nations, the tools of modern economic analysis allow us to study the wealth of states. Despite being part of the same country, some states consistently outpace others in annual economic growth, and with it, wages and incomes. The analysis in this paper reveals that growth differences are no fluke. The single biggest driver of economic growth is labor productivity growth. This insight has major implications for state policy, ranging from tax policy to regulations to education policy. Unfortunately, Missouri has for years demonstrated low productivity growth and economic growth relative to many other states in the country, but proposals to eliminate the income tax could make significant progress in pushing Missouri closer to the front of the pack.</p>
<h2 id="notes">Notes</h2>
<div class="smi-notes">
<ol>
<li id="fn-1">State-level capital stock data are available for download at <a href="https://cfds.henuecon.education/index.php/data/yes-capital-data">https://cfds.henuecon.education/index.php/data/yes-capital-data</a>. <a class="back" href="#fnref-1" aria-label="Back to reference 1">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-2">See, for example, the discussion by Anderson and Geras (2022) or the discussion in Chapter 11 of Champ, Freeman and Haslag (2022). <a class="back" href="#fnref-2" aria-label="Back to reference 2">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-3">Missouri reported that real GDP increased at 0.92 percent average annual rate between 2007 and 2023. <a class="back" href="#fnref-3" aria-label="Back to reference 3">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-4">The statistical significance means that if one were to suppose that the estimated coefficient is equal to zero, there is less than a one-percent probability that the hypothesis is supported by the data. More formally, one would reject the null hypothesis that there is no relationship between real personal income growth and labor productivity growth across states. <a class="back" href="#fnref-4" aria-label="Back to reference 4">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-5">To be more clear about the distinction between correlation and causation, it is important to put appropriate limits on interpreting these correlations. What we have is evidence suggesting that states with faster employment growth in these six sectors tend to be states with faster income growth. There is also some evidence suggesting that faster employment growth in several sectors indicates a positive relationship between labor productivity growth across states. However, there is no causal link in these simple correlations. To illustrate on the supply side, faster employment growth means increases in workers and their pay; that leads to labor income rising, resulting in faster income growth. Income growth can also arise because of capital deepening; in other words, more investment in physical capital per worker will result in faster income growth. Through greater demand for products, faster employment growth can follow faster income growth. The simple correlation cannot identify which process is driving the results in Table 2. <a class="back" href="#fnref-5" aria-label="Back to reference 5">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-6">Those with calculus backgrounds can do a logarithmic transform of equation 2 and take the derivative with respect to time. <a class="back" href="#fnref-6" aria-label="Back to reference 6">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-7">Compared with the correlation coefficient reported with real GDP growth, the modest increase in the correlation coefficient between TFP and educational attainment suggests that educational attainment is negatively correlated with the sum of employment growth and physical capital growth. In other words, states with higher educational attainment tend to have a lower sum of employment growth and physical capital growth. Such evidence suggests that more educated workers can substitute for the sum of workers and physical capital. More productive workers reduce the sum of workers and capital required. <a class="back" href="#fnref-7" aria-label="Back to reference 7">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn-8">Based on a reduction in the average effective income tax rate from 3.5 percent to zero. <a class="back" href="#fnref-8" aria-label="Back to reference 8">↩</a></li>
</ol>
</div>
<h2 id="references">References</h2>
<div class="smi-refs">
<p>Anderson, R.B. and M. Geras, 2022. &#8220;Correlation Versus Causation.&#8221; In: <em>Encyclopedia of Big Data</em>, Laurie A. Schintler and Connie L. McNeely, eds, Cham, Switzerland: Springer Cam.</p>
<p>Casteel, Grant and Joseph H. Haslag, Joseph H. 2011. &#8220;Income Taxes vs. Sales Taxes: A Welfare Comparison,&#8221; Show-Me Institute Essay. December 2010.</p>
<p>Chamo, Bruce, Scott Freeman and Joseph H. Haslag, 2022. <em>Modeling Monetary Economies</em>, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.</p>
<p>Crader, G. Dean and Joseph H. Haslag, 2019. &#8220;Computing State Average Marginal Income Tax Rates: An Application to Missouri,&#8221; <em>Growth and Change</em>, 50(1):424–45.</p>
<p>Garofalo, Gasper A. and Steven Yamarik, 2002. &#8220;Regional Convergence: Evidence from a new State-by-State Capital Stock Series,&#8221; <em>The Review of Economics and Statistics</em>, 84(2):316–23.</p>
<p>Jones, Larry E. and Rodolfo Manuelli, 1990. &#8220;A Convex Model of Equilibrium Growth: Theory and Policy Implications,&#8221; <em>Journal of Political Economy</em>, 98(5, Part1):1008–38.</p>
<p>Lucas, Robert E., Jr., 1988. &#8220;On the Mechanics of Economic Development,&#8221; <em>Journal of Monetary Economics</em>, 22:3–42.</p>
<p>Rebelo, Sergio, 1991. &#8220;Long-run Policy Analysis and Long-run Growth,&#8221; <em>Journal of Political Economy</em>, 99(3):500–21.</p>
<p>Romer, Paul M. 1986. &#8220;Increasing Returns and Long-run Growth,&#8221; <em>Journal of Political Economy</em>, 94:1002–37.</p>
<p>White House Council of Economic Advisers, 2026. &#8220;The Economic Impact of State Income Tax Elimination.&#8221; <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/The-Economic-Impact-of-State-Income-Tax-Elimination.pdf">https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/The-Economic-Impact-of-State-Income-Tax-Elimination.pdf</a>.</p>
<p>Yamarik, Steven and Makram El-Shagi, 2019. &#8220;State-level Capital and Investment: Refinements and Updates,&#8221; <em>Growth and Change</em>, 50(4):1411–22.</p>
</div>
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<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/economy/looking-for-growth-a-productivity-story/">Looking for Growth: A Productivity Story</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>Show-Me Institute&#8217;s September 2018 Newsletter</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-september-2018-newsletter/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 30 Sep 2018 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/publications/show-me-institutes-september-2018-newsletter/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>In this issue: Minimum wage Bryce&#8217;s Law Privitization of trash collection Missouri&#8217;s Show-Me Checkbook Child-support payment compliance Economic development subsidy research Click on the link below to read more.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-september-2018-newsletter/">Show-Me Institute&#8217;s September 2018 Newsletter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>In this issue:</p>
<ul>
<li>Minimum wage</li>
<li>Bryce&#8217;s Law</li>
<li>Privitization of trash collection</li>
<li>Missouri&#8217;s Show-Me Checkbook</li>
<li>Child-support payment compliance</li>
<li>Economic development subsidy research</li>
</ul>
<p>Click on the link below to read more.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-september-2018-newsletter/">Show-Me Institute&#8217;s September 2018 Newsletter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Prop A Facts</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/prop-a-facts/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 03 Jul 2018 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/prop-a-facts/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>If you’ve turned on your television lately, you may have seen an ad in which a gentleman from Oklahoma tells viewers that after Oklahoma adopted right-to-work, everybody “lost.” Specifically, he [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/prop-a-facts/">Prop A Facts</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>If you’ve turned on your television lately, you may have seen an <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bixUqmeg7dc&amp;rel=0"><strong>ad</strong></a> in which a gentleman from Oklahoma tells viewers that after Oklahoma adopted right-to-work, everybody “lost.” Specifically, he says he lost his job because of it, and he claims that tens of thousands Oklahomans lost their jobs, too. To make matters worse, in the ad’s telling, wages in Oklahoma even fell for those who kept their jobs because of right-to-work.</p>
<p>Hard-luck stories are a common feature in election-year advertisements, and I hope the gentleman from Oklahoma has found his way out of his job loss—which, based on Oklahoma’s right-to-work timeline, may have happened nearly twenty years ago. But that doesn’t alter the underlying facts about Oklahoma’s economy and the effects of right-to-work laws generally—facts which the ad either ignored or mischaracterized.</p>
<p>First, let’s look at the employment facts for Oklahoma. Oklahoma voters passed a right-to-work law in 2001. In March 2001 (before the recession that year and before the passage of right-to-work) there were 1.53 million people employed there. As of May 2018, there were 1.68 million Oklahomans employed. Simple arithmetic reveals that 150,000 more people are on Oklahoma’s payrolls now compared with payrolls before right-to-work passed, so since 2001, tens of thousands of jobs have actually been <em>added </em>in Oklahoma, not lost.</p>
<p>Could the gentleman be referring to what happened to employment between December 2001 and July 2002, when Oklahoma payrolls declined by 40,000 workers? Maybe, but that decline was unlikely to have been related to right-to-work legislation. The recession of 2001 is a much better explanation for why employment fell in Oklahoma during that period, as payrolls were declining in many places at the time.</p>
<p>But the issues with the ad don’t stop with the numbers themselves. The ad essentially claims that right-to-work laws lower employment <em>and</em> lower wages, but economically speaking (and, as seen in practice,) that claim is highly suspect. Here’s how it works in terms of old-fashioned demand-and-supply: When the cost of labor is no longer driven up by the bargaining power funded by compulsory union dues, it becomes less expensive for employers to hire new workers. The less expensive labor is, the more of it employers can buy.</p>
<p>Claiming broadly that “wages will fall” as a result of right-to-work is grossly misleading. Employers are not going to slash the pay of the current workforce. Without union interference, newly hired workers will be paid what they are worth, and there will be more of them.</p>
<p>Somehow, our ad-man argues that both wages and employment will decline. He doesn’t explain why making it less expensive to hire workers will lead businesses to hire fewer of them.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, the ad conceals a great deal in its depiction of Oklahoma and of facts in general, cocooning a host of dubious conclusions inside a hard-luck personal story. That might be politics, but it ain’t economics.</p>
<p>Luckily, people throwing numbers at Missourians also need to show us why their explanation is better than the one suggested by basic economics. I look forward to an exchange of ideas rather than thirty-second sound bites.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/prop-a-facts/">Prop A Facts</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Show-Me Institute&#8217;s June 2018 Newsletter</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-june-2018-newsletter/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 30 Jun 2018 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/publications/show-me-institutes-june-2018-newsletter/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>In this issue: High school graduation rates Special taxing districts Legislative session recap Minimum wage Subsidy reform Course access Click on the link below to read more.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-june-2018-newsletter/">Show-Me Institute&#8217;s June 2018 Newsletter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>In this issue:</p>
<ul>
<li>High school graduation rates</li>
<li>Special taxing districts</li>
<li>Legislative session recap</li>
<li>Minimum wage</li>
<li>Subsidy reform</li>
<li>Course access</li>
</ul>
<p>Click on the link below to read more.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-june-2018-newsletter/">Show-Me Institute&#8217;s June 2018 Newsletter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Show-Me Institute&#8217;s March 2018 Newsletter</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-march-2018-newsletter/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 31 Mar 2018 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/publications/show-me-institutes-march-2018-newsletter/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>In this issue: A dubious commission to study charter schools Public-sector collective bargaining Missouri&#8217;s charter school environment Regulation of short-term rentals Medicaid costs Municipal spending transparency Click on the link [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-march-2018-newsletter/">Show-Me Institute&#8217;s March 2018 Newsletter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>In this issue:</p>
<ul>
<li>A dubious commission to study charter schools</li>
<li>Public-sector collective bargaining</li>
<li>Missouri&#8217;s charter school environment</li>
<li>Regulation of short-term rentals</li>
<li>Medicaid costs</li>
<li>Municipal spending transparency</li>
</ul>
<p>Click on the link below to read more.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/municipal-policy/show-me-institutes-march-2018-newsletter/">Show-Me Institute&#8217;s March 2018 Newsletter</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>How Will Expanded Use of 529 Accounts Affect Missouri&#8217;s Budget?</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/taxes/how-will-expanded-use-of-529-accounts-affect-missouris-budget/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Jan 2018 12:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Taxes]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/how-will-expanded-use-of-529-accounts-affect-missouris-budget/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The federal tax reform bill is likely to have many consequences, intended and unintended. One intended consequence is that it expands the use of funds in 529 education savings accounts [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/taxes/how-will-expanded-use-of-529-accounts-affect-missouris-budget/">How Will Expanded Use of 529 Accounts Affect Missouri&#8217;s Budget?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The federal tax reform bill is likely to have many consequences, intended and unintended. One intended consequence is that it expands the use of funds in 529 education savings accounts beyond college expenses to <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/katiepf/2017/12/15/what-tax-reform-really-means-for-529-plans/#5d3a1997729a">K-12 expenses</a>. If parents open these accounts for their children and add money to them, they can withdraw those funds when needed for education expenses without paying taxes on what the savings have earned. In addition, in states that allow it, deposits to these accounts can be deducted from income on state forms, thereby lowering the tax bills of savers.</p>
<p>The <em>St. Louis Post Dispatch</em> cited an <a href="http://www.stltoday.com/news/local/education/parents-in-missouri-can-now-claim-tax-deductions-for-private/article_2fda35d8-4eec-54ab-aa2c-440314c7588b.html#tracking-source=home-top-story-2">analysis</a> of the impact this change could have on state coffers which found that Missouri tax revenue could drop by as much as $42 million dollars once all private school parents open these accounts and route their child’s tuition through them in order to reduce their state taxable income. That amount is dramatically higher than the likely reality, because it depends on several conditions being met.</p>
<p>First, every current private school student would suddenly have to have one of these accounts with enough funds to cover tuition. Second, in order to take the maximum deduction, all private school students would need to have married parents who file their taxes jointly. And third, all of those parents would need to have a marginal tax rate that is higher than the average for the state.</p>
<p>It is more likely that the impact would be about $32 million. We get this by multiplying the <a href="https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d16/tables/dt16_205.80.asp?current=yes">number of students</a> enrolled in private elementary schools in Missouri by the average private elementary school <a href="https://www.privateschoolreview.com/missouri">tuition</a> in Missouri ($6,800) and most (75 percent) private high school students by the average high school tuition of &nbsp;$11,500, with the remaining 25 percent of students taking the maximum benefit allowed for a single filer in Missouri of $8,000. Further, we use the average marginal tax rate in the state, which is <a href="https://economics.missouri.edu/paper/wp-17-11">3.6 percent</a>.</p>
<p>And while it is unlikely that a tax break of $500 or so would be enough to induce public school parents to switch to private schools, any who did would essentially save the state money. They would pay $500 less on their tax bill, but their child’s education bill would no longer be paid for with public dollars.</p>
<p>It makes sense to try to anticipate the impact of federal tax reform on state tax revenue, but it needs to be done in a sensible way.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/taxes/how-will-expanded-use-of-529-accounts-affect-missouris-budget/">How Will Expanded Use of 529 Accounts Affect Missouri&#8217;s Budget?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Broadway Economics</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/subsidies/broadway-economics/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 23 Oct 2017 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Corporate Welfare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Subsidies]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/broadway-economics/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The Broadway Inn is convenient for all the universities in Columbia, and its owner wants to build a $20 million expansion that would include a second hotel tower. Adding on [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/subsidies/broadway-economics/">Broadway Economics</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The Broadway Inn is convenient for all the universities in Columbia, and its owner wants to build a $20 million expansion that would include a second hotel tower. Adding on to the hotel could be good for the area and a worthwhile investment for the owner, but the $2 million in tax-increment financing (TIF) built into the expansion proposal make it a bad deal for Columbia.</p>
<p>Let’s walk through this. The project will add about $20 million to the productive capital in Columbia. Between 2001 and 2016, each dollar of capital added, on average, 17 cents to the value of output—that is, goods and services—produced in Columbia. Based on this historical average, Columbia would produce an additional $3.5 million in output when the project is completed in a couple of years. One more piece of information: Columbia collects about one cent of revenue for every dollar of output produced. Consequently, city coffers would increase by about $35,000 in the first year that the expansion was operating. However, even allowing for this additional output to increase at Columbia’s average annual growth rate, which is 1.8 percent, there is not enough revenue for the city. After discounting future revenues to their present value and summing over the 23-year period, the value of the stream of city revenues comes to about $650 thousand. In other words, the city gives the developer $2 million to get back $650 thousand. Not a good return.</p>
<p>Proponents of the deal contend that without TIF, the expansion (and accompanying economic growth) won’t happen at all—that without an infusion of taxpayer money, development won’t be profitable enough to attract investment. However, data from cities like Chicago, Saint Louis, and Kansas City say otherwise. Comparing employment or income, the evidence indicates that economic outcomes are no better in areas that award TIF than in areas that do not.</p>
<p>The Broadway expansion proposal offers the appearance of certainty. At the very least, we have a good idea of what a new hotel tower will look like, so it’s easy to imagine that it will lead to an increase in economic activity. It can certainly seem riskier to turn down the proposal and wait to see what (if any) productive use the land next to the current hotel is put to. But there is no guarantee that the expanded hotel will be successful, either.</p>
<p>Fundamentally, economies grow when people put labor and machines and capital together in a way that yields more valuable stuff. Growth is the product of creative and innovative people who are trying to earn a profit. The law permits people to ask the city government for a subsidy to make a profit. But city officials must determine if granting the request is the best use of resources collected from citizens. Looking at the numbers, one is hard pressed to show that the Broadway expansion is the best use of city funds.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/subsidies/broadway-economics/">Broadway Economics</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Almost 47th</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/almost-47th/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 14 Aug 2017 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/almost-47th/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Missouri’s economy has been in the slow lane for decades. Unfortunately, unless things change, Missourians will likely be left behind by their peers in states with relatively booming economies. Over [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/almost-47th/">Almost 47th</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Missouri’s economy has been in the slow lane for decades. Unfortunately, unless things change, Missourians will likely be left behind by their peers in states with relatively booming economies.</p>
<p>Over the years, we have <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/blog/employment-jobs/it-could-be-worse-not-much-worse-it-could-be-worse">marked the progress</a> (or lack thereof) that Missouri has made by reporting new data on gross domestic product (GDP) <a href="https://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/national/gdp/gdpnewsrelease.htm">released</a> by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA). If you pick out a single year’s data, Missouri seems to do okay. From 2015 to 2016, for instance, real GDP in Missouri increased at a 1.15 percent rate, ranking 31st out of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. Washington recorded the fastest growth rate, at 3.7 percent. It was a bad year for states that rely on natural resources: Louisiana, West Virginia, Oklahoma, Wyoming, Alaska, and North Dakota all reported declines in real GDP from 2015 to 2016. So, it looks like the recent decline in oil and coal prices helped push Missouri up into the middle of the pack. For reference, in the United States as a whole, reported real GDP increased at a 1.54 percent rate in 2016—<em>much faster</em> than in Missouri.</p>
<p>But year-over-year data doesn’t reveal larger, more important economic trends; any given year can be dominated by business cycle fluctuations. Growth is focused on <em>long-term</em> trends. When you look at the entire 1997–2016 period, the picture is quite different from 2015. Little wiggles in the year-over-year data get smoothed out and show the economic fundamentals operating within a state. Over the full two-decade period, we see that Missouri’s growth has been paltry.</p>
<p>During this period, Missouri has grown at half the pace of the United States as a whole (1.024% compared to 2.05%). Out of all 50 states and the District of Columbia, Missouri ranks 48th in economic growth; we trailed Mississippi by 0.001%—we were almost 47th. For an idea of the impact of Missouri’s poor performance, imagine you and a friend had started at the same job in 1997, each making $50,000 a year. If your friend’s salary grew at the rate of the country as a whole, and yours grew at Missouri’s rate, the friend would have made about $72,800 in 2016 while you’d have made roughly $60,400!</p>
<p>In a <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/sites/default/files/20170428%20-%20Growth%20in%20MO%20vs%20US%20-%20Haslag.pdf">recent essay</a>, Joe Haslag and Michael Austin identified some policies that could help explain why Missouri took a nosedive after 1997. There was the corporate income tax rate hike in 1993. There was a shift of spending from education and infrastructure to social services. There was the sharp increase in the state’s tax credit programs. And, though more difficult to measure, there was the <a href="https://www.mercatus.org/publications/snapshot-missouri-regulation">regulatory burden</a> that seems only to have increased over time. (Do you remember a time when the state government eliminated a regulation?)</p>
<p>The bottom line is that state government needs to take a thoughtful approach to policy if it is to boost economic growth. Lower tax rates, for example, result in higher returns on capital and labor. The state should look for high returns on its own investments as well, just like a private citizen or business would. Common-sense adjustments to emphasize education and infrastructure over policies that transfer wealth from one group of citizens or businesses to another are needed unless Missouri’s policymakers are satisfied with 47th place.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/almost-47th/">Almost 47th</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Why Can&#8217;t Missouri&#8217;s Economy Keep Up?</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/why-cant-missouris-economy-keep-up/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 08 Aug 2017 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/why-cant-missouris-economy-keep-up/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>When I arrived at the University of Missouri in 2000, Dr. Ed Robb told me that the Missouri economy was just like the national economy in terms of the economic [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/why-cant-missouris-economy-keep-up/">Why Can&#8217;t Missouri&#8217;s Economy Keep Up?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When I arrived at the University of Missouri in 2000, Dr. Ed Robb told me that the Missouri economy was just like the national economy in terms of the economic growth rate. While Dr. Robb was correct, Missouri was already in the process of divorcing itself from United States in terms of longer-term economic growth. Indeed, recent research with Michael Austin identifies a breaking point: Since 1997 the Missouri economy has grown at a much slower pace than the national economy. Between 1997 and 2015, Missouri’s recorded real GDP increased at a 1.05 percent annual average rate, while that of the United States increased at a 2.34 average annual rate.</p>
<p>Why the separation? Austin and I looked at the how various aspects of Missouri’s fiscal policy evolved over the past three decades, and we examined some possible reasons. For example, some people contend that Missouri state government is not demanding enough goods and services; in other words, too little state demand is the cause of slower growth. This view is discredited by the fact that state spending as a fraction of total income has been trending slightly upward. Government spends money less efficiently than the private sector, so the increase in state spending may have been part of the cause of Missouri’s anemic economic growth. In any case, lack of state demand was not the reason for the slow growth because the state’s spending as a percentage of total income has increased.</p>
<p>Another possible explanation is changes in the composition of state spending. In particular, spending on public welfare and health increased while spending on education and roads declined. The increased spending on social services, along with reduced investment in education and infrastructure, could account for the slower economic growth since social services amount to a transfer from one group to another while education and infrastructure are more valuable, productive forms of spending.</p>
<p>Did changes in revenue, particularly taxation, change? Missouri has relied relatively more on federal transfers to fund its spending since 1997. There was the 1993 hike in the corporate income tax rate, but no change in the individual income tax rate. At the state level, the sales tax base has shrunk because of statutory changes. Since we do observe a lower Missouri economic growth rate <em>after </em>the corporate income tax rate was raised from 4 percent to 6.25 percent, the corporate income tax is a candidate that could explain why state growth slowed.</p>
<p>Lastly, tax credits redeemed by Missouri state government have increased dramatically over the past 20 years. The concern with state tax credits is the return on this investment compared with the market rate of return. Remember that tax credits are state government funding specific projects while other non–tax credit projects are subject to market forces. This fact leads to the question: What is return on the state tax credit “investment?” If the state frequently offers tax credits to low-return projects, then economic growth will decline. So, we wonder if poor investment performance in the form of expanding tax credit programs might help explain why Missouri has experienced slow economic growth. In her June 2017 report on tax credit programs, Missouri State Auditor Nicole Galloway estimated that “$418 million in fiscal year 2016 redemptions (73 percent of total redemptions) were for programs with benefit/cost ratios less than 1.0, meaning the program returns less to the state than it costs.”</p>
<p>Overall, our research does two things. First, it demonstrates that Missouri economic growth veered into the slow-growth lane about 20 years ago. Second, it identifies factors that could account for the decline in state economic growth. While we don’t have conclusive proof of the cause, we have zeroed in on some possibilities—the growth in state spending, the shift in the composition of spending, the corporate income tax rate hike, and the growth in state tax credits—that could explain why our state is performing so poorly relative to the rest of the country. Until we have analyzed more data from around the country, we can’t allocate blame precisely among the factors we have identified. Nonetheless, at a minimum, shouldn’t Missouri abandon policies (such as tax credits) that have not been shown to produce economic growth?</p>
<p>Growth is ultimately about innovative things that people do. Where innovative people tend to locate does depend on the economic environment in which they operate, and that environment is determined in part by state-level policy. Whatever else Missouri state government has done in the last 20 years, it hasn’t been focused on attracting the kind of people who drive job creation and growth. That needs to change if Missourians are to enjoy an economy that keeps pace with the rest of the country.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/why-cant-missouris-economy-keep-up/">Why Can&#8217;t Missouri&#8217;s Economy Keep Up?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Was Missouri Always Like This?</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/was-missouri-always-like-this/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 11 Jul 2017 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/was-missouri-always-like-this/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The year 1997 marks a grim turning point for Missouri. In the 10 years before 1997, Missouri&#8217;s economic growth had kept pace with that of the nation as a whole. [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/was-missouri-always-like-this/">Was Missouri Always Like This?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="color: rgb(46, 46, 46); font-family: open-sans, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">The year 1997 marks a grim turning point for Missouri. In the 10 years before 1997, Missouri&#8217;s economic growth had kept pace with that of the nation as a whole. Since 1997, Missouri has been one of the slowest-growing states in the nation. What happened&#8211;and why? This essay explores those questions, analyzing the decline in Missouri&#8217;s fortunes by looking specifically at taxation and state spending for clues. To read the essay, click on the link below.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/was-missouri-always-like-this/">Was Missouri Always Like This?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Was Missouri Always Like This? A Comparison of Missouri&#8217;s Growth with that of the United States</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/was-missouri-always-like-this-a-comparison-of-missouris-growth-with-that-of-the-united-states/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 11 Jul 2017 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/publications/was-missouri-always-like-this-a-comparison-of-missouris-growth-with-that-of-the-united-states/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The year 1997 marks a grim turning point for Missouri. In the 10 years before 1997, Missouri&#8217;s economic growth had kept pace with that of the nation as a whole. [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/was-missouri-always-like-this-a-comparison-of-missouris-growth-with-that-of-the-united-states/">Was Missouri Always Like This? A Comparison of Missouri&#8217;s Growth with that of the United States</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The year 1997 marks a grim turning point for Missouri. In the 10 years before 1997, Missouri&#8217;s economic growth had kept pace with that of the nation as a whole. Since 1997, Missouri has been one of the slowest-growing states in the nation. What happened&#8211;and why? This essay explores those questions, analyzing the decline in Missouri&#8217;s fortunes by looking specifically at taxation and state spending for clues. To read more, click on the link.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/was-missouri-always-like-this-a-comparison-of-missouris-growth-with-that-of-the-united-states/">Was Missouri Always Like This? A Comparison of Missouri&#8217;s Growth with that of the United States</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Company Births and Deaths: &#8220;Churn&#8221; and State Economic Growth</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/company-births-and-deaths-churn-and-state-economic-growth/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2016 12:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/company-births-and-deaths-churn-and-state-economic-growth/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The continual birth and death of companies is a natural byproduct of competition in the marketplace. But is the rate at which this &#34;churn&#34; takes place related positively or negatively [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/company-births-and-deaths-churn-and-state-economic-growth/">Company Births and Deaths: &#8220;Churn&#8221; and State Economic Growth</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="color: rgb(46, 46, 46); font-family: open-sans, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; background-color: rgb(255, 244, 244);">The continual birth and death of companies is a natural byproduct of competition in the marketplace. But is the rate at which this &quot;churn&quot; takes place related positively or negatively to the growth of our state&#39;s economy? Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joseph Haslag explores the importance of churn for state growth in his new essay. Click on the link below to read more.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/company-births-and-deaths-churn-and-state-economic-growth/">Company Births and Deaths: &#8220;Churn&#8221; and State Economic Growth</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Births, Deaths, and Economic Growth: How Important Is Churn for State Growth?</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/births-deaths-and-economic-growth-how-important-is-churn-for-state-growth/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 20 Dec 2016 12:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/publications/births-deaths-and-economic-growth-how-important-is-churn-for-state-growth/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The continual birth and death of companies is a natural byproduct of competition in the marketplace. But is the rate at which this &#34;churn&#34; takes place related positively or negatively [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/births-deaths-and-economic-growth-how-important-is-churn-for-state-growth/">Births, Deaths, and Economic Growth: How Important Is Churn for State Growth?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The continual birth and death of companies is a natural byproduct of competition in the marketplace. But is the rate at which this &quot;churn&quot; takes place related positively or negatively to the growth of our state&#39;s economy? Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joseph Haslag explores the importance of churn for state growth in his new essay. Click on the link below to read more.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/births-deaths-and-economic-growth-how-important-is-churn-for-state-growth/">Births, Deaths, and Economic Growth: How Important Is Churn for State Growth?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Show-Me Now! When Better Is Not Good Enough</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/show-me-now-when-better-is-not-good-enough/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 28 Jul 2016 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/show-me-now-when-better-is-not-good-enough/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The Bureau of Economic Analysis recently released state real GDP data. Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joseph Haslag updated his analysis of Missouri&#8217;s real GDP performance compared to the other forty-nine [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/show-me-now-when-better-is-not-good-enough/">Show-Me Now! When Better Is Not Good Enough</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The Bureau of Economic Analysis recently released state real GDP data. Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joseph Haslag updated his analysis of Missouri&rsquo;s real GDP performance compared to the other forty-nine states in the union. While we did improve, our gains were disappointing.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/show-me-now-when-better-is-not-good-enough/">Show-Me Now! When Better Is Not Good Enough</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>It Could Be Worse. Not Much Worse, but It Could Be Worse.</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/it-could-be-worse-not-much-worse-but-it-could-be-worse/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 12 Jul 2016 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/it-could-be-worse-not-much-worse-but-it-could-be-worse/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The Bureau of Economic Analysis recently released data on real GDP for all 50 states. Since Missouri&#8217;s growth in recent years has been nothing short of dismal&#8212;it was the 49th-fastest-growing [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/it-could-be-worse-not-much-worse-but-it-could-be-worse/">It Could Be Worse. Not Much Worse, but It Could Be Worse.</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The Bureau of Economic Analysis recently released data on real GDP for all 50 states. Since Missouri&rsquo;s growth in recent years has been nothing short of dismal&mdash;it was the 49th-fastest-growing state for the period 1997 through 2014&mdash;I thought it would be worthwhile to review the most up-to-date data for clues about what&rsquo;s going wrong, and how it might be fixed.</p>
<p>The chart below plots the average annual growth rate for each of the 50 states and for the United States as whole for the period 1997 through 2015. The good news is that Missouri&rsquo;s average annual growth rate increased from 0.93 percent when computed over the 1997 through 2014 period to 1.02 percent when computed over the 1997 through 2015 period. Missouri reported a 1.29 percent growth rate in its real GDP between 2014 and 2015. No one really jumps for joy when growth rates are reported at 1.3 percent for a year; however, Missouri did manage to stagger its way one rung up the ladder, from 49th-fastest to 48th-fastest growing state economy over the period from 1997 through 2015.</p>
<p><img decoding="async" src="https://showmeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/July-12-Haslag-chart.png" alt="" title="" style=""/></p>
<p>Overall, the story for Missouri is little changed compared to a year ago. Since the late 1990s, Missouri&rsquo;s economy has increased at half the rate of that of the United States as a whole. Eighteen years is not a terribly long time, and we all hope that Missouri&rsquo;s future will be brighter. But the question remains: Why has the Missouri economy reported such slow growth over the past eighteen years?</p>
<p>The answer is not simple. Note that the ten fastest growing states are: North Dakota, Texas, South Dakota, Oregon, Utah, Colorado, California, Idaho, Arizona, and Oklahoma. There is no one clear feature shared by these ten states that can account for their economic success. Some of them do have natural resources and have benefitted from being able to dig a hole in the ground and extract things that are valuable to the rest of the world. But that is not the only explanation. For example, Arizona, Idaho, Oregon, and Utah (at least) do not fit the oil/natural gas story. Alternatively, the ten states with the lowest growth rates are Michigan, Louisiana, Missouri, Mississippi, West Virginia, Maine, Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, and New Jersey. No single attribute these states might have in common would account for their struggles, either.</p>
<p>Income tax rates cannot, alone, explain the differences in growth rates. The nine states with no earned income taxes (followed by rankings) are: Alaska (40), Florida (20), Nevada (16), New Hampshire (25), South Dakota (3), Tennessee (30), Texas (2), Washington (13), and Wyoming (11). The nine states with the highest marginal income tax rates (followed by rankings) are: California (7), Hawaii (37), Oregon (4), Minnesota (17), Iowa (23), New Jersey (42), Vermont (26), New York (29), and Maine (46). The mean rank for the nine states with no income taxes is 17.8 while the mean rank for the nine states with the highest income tax rates is 25.7.</p>
<p>Overall, the evidence does not prove, but does suggest, that income tax rates do matter for economic growth. Of course, a host of other factors matter as well. In order to assess the role of income tax rates on growth, the ideal test would involve holding everything else constant. In other words, you would want to examine a parallel version of New Jersey, for example, but one with a lower income tax rate. Holding everything else constant, economic theory suggests that New Jersey would grow faster.</p>
<p>The broader message is that lots of factors that influence a state&rsquo;s economic growth rate. Each state is an experiment in which tax rates, school quality, and various government services are provided endogenously by state policymakers. The bundle of policies and regulations is too large and complicated for us to identify how each one matters. And on top of the political attributes, there are the things that lie underground, or on the ground itself (or the ocean front&mdash;or lack thereof), that people living in each state can consume. All policymakers can do is to try and manage the factors they can influence in a way that will help their state grow faster.</p>
<p>In case you are wondering, Kansas ranked as the 29th-fastest-growing state over this period. So, why can&rsquo;t Missouri grow at least as fast as its neighbor? It&rsquo;s a frustrating question, because we have a Gordian knot of regulations, laws, and policies that make it difficult to determine specific causes of our stagnation. Not only have policymakers failed to move Missouri in the right direction in the 21st century, but the complexity of our state&rsquo;s problems prevents us from understanding why various initiatives have failed to produce their intended results. In my view, it seems like a good time for Missouri to review its entire spectrum of policies. For instance, we have not had a constitutional convention in this state since 1947. Maybe it is time for an institutional overhaul.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/it-could-be-worse-not-much-worse-but-it-could-be-worse/">It Could Be Worse. Not Much Worse, but It Could Be Worse.</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>The Economics of Teacher Tenure</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/the-economics-of-teacher-tenure/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Jun 2016 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>The process for awarding tenure is different at the K-12 and university levels in Missouri, but the effect of tenure is similar for both groups: increased job security. This essay [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/the-economics-of-teacher-tenure/">The Economics of Teacher Tenure</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The process for awarding tenure is different at the K-12 and university levels in Missouri, but the effect of tenure is similar for both groups: increased job security. This essay explores the costs and benefits associated with tenure, and compares the justification for awarding tenure to K-12 faculty and university faculty. Click on the link below to read the entire essay.&nbsp;</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/business-climate/the-economics-of-teacher-tenure/">The Economics of Teacher Tenure</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Company Birth and Death: Why Growth Is Slow in Missouri</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/company-birth-and-death-why-growth-is-slow-in-missouri/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 07 Mar 2016 12:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Business Climate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economy]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/company-birth-and-death-why-growth-is-slow-in-missouri/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joseph Haslag, Ph.D., reviews his research into the formation of new business establishments and the closing of existing ones. He compares Missouri&#39;s experience to the other [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/company-birth-and-death-why-growth-is-slow-in-missouri/">Company Birth and Death: Why Growth Is Slow in Missouri</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div>Show-Me Institute Chief Economist Joseph Haslag, Ph.D., reviews his research into the formation of new business establishments and the closing of existing ones. He compares Missouri&#39;s experience to the other states and discusses the macroeconomic implications of his analysis.</div>
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/article/business-climate/company-birth-and-death-why-growth-is-slow-in-missouri/">Company Birth and Death: Why Growth Is Slow in Missouri</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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		<title>Where Is Missouri Growing?</title>
		<link>https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/taxes/where-is-missouri-growing/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 26 May 2015 10:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://showmeinstitute.local/publications/where-is-missouri-growing/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Cities are the economic engines of the states. We may be able to garner a new perspective on economic growth in Missouri by analyzing the growth of Missouri&#8217;s eight largest [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/taxes/where-is-missouri-growing/">Where Is Missouri Growing?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Cities are the economic engines of the states. We may be able to garner a new perspective on economic growth in Missouri by analyzing the growth of Missouri&rsquo;s eight largest metropolitan areas. Four of these metro areas border neighboring states, which affords us the opportunity to compare growth in Missouri counties with growth in neighboring-state counties, within the same metropolitan areas. By separating our analysis into multiple components, we may be able to better document the economic performance of the state&rsquo;s economy and to see where Missouri&rsquo;s economy is growing and which factors are determining this growth. We also research other American cities to determine aspects that lead to strong economic growth as well as steep economic decline.</p>
<p>Read the full essay:</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org/publication/taxes/where-is-missouri-growing/">Where Is Missouri Growing?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://showmeinstitute.org">Show-Me Institute</a>.</p>
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